ግንቦት ፳፩ (ሃያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ሰብዓዊና ዲሞክራሲያዊ መብቶችን ለማስከበር በሚያደርገው ቀጣይ ትግል ህብረተሰቡ ከጎኑ እንዲቆምም ፓርቲው ጥሪ አቅርቧል።

የፓርቲው አመራሮች “‹‹ነጻነት በሌለባት ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አስተዳደር መትከል ዘበት ነው!›› በሚል ርእስ ዛሬ በሰጡት ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ በምርጫው ሂደት በመቆየታቸው የኢህአዴግን አውሬነት ማሳየታቸውን በመጥቀስ፤
‹‹በኃይል በተቀማ ድምፅ የሚመሰረት መንግስት በህዝብ ተቀባይነት የለውም››ብለዋል።
‹‹ምርጫው ከዚህ ቀደም ከተካሔዱት ምርጫዎች ጋር እንኳ ሊወዳደር የማይችል እጅግ ኢ-ፍትኃዊ፣ ወገንተኛና ተዓማኒነት የሌለው በመሆኑ ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሂደቱንም ሆነ ውጤቱን አይቀበለውም፡፡›› ብለዋል-የፓርቲው አመራሮች።
ፓርቲው በ2007 ዓ.ም ጠቅላላ ምርጫ ለመሳተፍ ሲወስን ገለልተኛና ብቃት ያላቸው ተቋማት እንደሌሉና ገዥው ፓርቲም እውነተኛ ምርጫ እንደማይፈቅድ እያወቀ መሆኑን የገለፀሱት አመራሮቹ፤ ፓርቲው በሂደቱ የተሳተፈው የስርዓቱን
ችግሮች ለማጋለጥ እንደሆነ አመልክተዋል፡፡
የፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር ኢ/ር ይልቃል ጌትነት ‹‹በሂደቱ ውስጥ በመቆየታችን እጩዎቻችን በህገ ወጥ መንገድ ሲታገዱ፣ ታዛቢዎች ሲከለከሉና ሲታሰሩ አሳይተናል፡፡ በሂደቱ በመቆየታችን የኢህአዴግን አውሬነት አሳይተናል፡፡ ከመጀመሪያው ጀምሮም
ሆነ በምርጫው ወቅት የነበረውን ማጭበርበር ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብና ለዓለም አጋልጠንበታል፡፡›› ብለዋል፡፡
የፓርቲው ም/ሊቀመንበር እና የምርጫ ጉዳይ ኃላፊው አቶ ስለሽ ፈይሳ በበኩላቸው ምርጫው መትረየስ ተጠምዶ፣ ብረት ለበስ በየመንገዱ ቆሞ፣ የአጋዚ ጦር አባላት ከተማ ውስጥ ተሰማርተው ከመካሄዱም ባሻገር ከፍተኛ የድምጽ ማጭበርበር
የነበረበት ነው ብለዋል፡፡ የምርጫው ብቸኛ የውጭ ታዛቢ የሆነውን የአፍሪካ ህብረት ታዛቢ ቡድንም ራሱንም ሌላም ማዳን የማይችል ‹‹የእንጨት ድምጽ ነው!›› ሲሉም ተችተዋል፡፡
ምርጫው በህገ ወጥ አሰራሮች የታጀበ፣ በማንኛውም መመዘኛ ፍትሃዊ፣ ነፃና ተአማኒ ሊሆን እንደማይችል ሒደቱ በግልፅ አመላካች ነበር ያለው ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ‹‹በውጤቱም በሐገራችን የዲሞክራሲና የመድብለ ፓርቲ ስርዓት መኖርን ወደ
መቃብር የከተተና ኢትዮጵያ የአንድ ፓርቲ ስርዓት ሐገር መሆኗን ያረጋገጠ ነው፡፡”ነው ብሏል።
ፓርቲው አያይዞም በኃይል በተቀማ ድምፅ የሚመሰረት መንግስትም በሕዝብ ተቀባይነት እንደሌለው ገልጾአል፡፡
“የዜጎች ነፃነት ሳይከበር ነጻና ፍትኃዊ ምርጫ ሊደረግ አይችልም” ያለውሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሰብአዊና ዲሞክራሲያዊ መብቶቻችን እስከሚከበሩ ድረስ ፓርቲው በሚያካሂደው የነጻነት ትግል ኢትዮጵያውያን ከጎኑ እንዲቆሙ ጥሪ አድርጓል፡፡

ግንቦት ፳፩ (ሃያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በደቡብ ክልል በደቡብ ኦሞ ዞን በሃመር ወረዳ በዲመካ ከተማ እና አካባቢዋ የሚኖሩ አርብቶአደሮች ” እኛ ድምጽ ሳንሰጥ” እንዴት ኢህአዴግ አሸነፈ ይባላል በሚል ካለፈው

ሰኞ ጀምሮ ከጸጥታ ሃይሎች ጋር ሲታኮሱ መቆየታቸውን የሚናገሩት የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች፣ አንድ ሻለቃ ጦር እና የፌደራል አባላት ወደ አካባቢው በመንቀሳቀስ በወሰዱት እርምጃ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ደርሷል። አንዳንድ የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች አደጋ የደረሰባቸውን ሰዎች ቁጥር በመቶዎች ያደርሱታል።

የአካባቢው ሰዎች እንደሚሉት አርብቶ አደሮች 5 የመከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላትን ያቆሰሉ ሲሆን፣ ቁስለኞችም በሄሊኮፕተር ተወስደዋል። በአርብቶ አደሮች በኩል የተገደሉትን ሰዎች በትክክል ለማወቅ እንደማይቻል የሚናገሩት የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች

አስከሬን በየቦታው ወደቆ እንደሚታይ እየገለጹ ነው።

በዞኑ የሚኖሩ አንድ ታዋቂ ግለሰብ እንደተናገሩት ደግሞ ትናንት አርብቶ አደሮች ዲመካን በሌሊት ለመያዝ ጥቃት በፈጸሙበት ወቅት የመንግስት ወታደሮች ከባድ መሳሪያ በመተኮስ በወሰዱት የአጸፋ እርምጃ በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ሰዎች

እንደተገደሉ መረጃው እንደደረሳቸው ገልጸዋል። በሶስት ፒካፕ መኪኖች የተጫኑ ቁስለኛ ወታደሮች ጂንካ ሆስፒታል መግባታቸውንም አክለው ገልጸዋል። ሁለቱም ወገኖች ለወራት የጦርነት ዝግጅት ሲያደርጉ መቆየታቸውን የሚናገሩት ግለሰቡ፣

የችግሩ ምንጭ ከምርጫ ጋር ብቻ ሳይሆን ከመሬት ጋር የተያያዘ መሆኑም ይገልጻሉ።

ሌላ የአካባቢው ነዋሪም እንዲሁ በተወሰደው እርምጃ ከ100 በላይ ሰዎች መገደላቸውን መረጃ እንደደረሳቸው ተናግረዋል ። የወረዳው አስተዳዳሪ አቶ በርጤ ዢላ መግለጫ ለመስጠት ፈቃደኛ አለመሆናቸውን ተናግረዋል።

ኢሳት በሁለቱም ወገን የሞቱትን ሰዎች ከገለልተኛ ወገን ለማጣራት ያደረገው መኩራ አልተሳካለትም።

ኢሳት ከሶስት ቀናት በፊት አርብቶአደሮች 3 ፖሊሶች ማቁሳለቸውን ዘግቦ የነበረ ሲሆን፣ ሆቴል ቤቶችና ሌሎች አገልግሎት ሰጪ ተቋማት አሁንም ድረስ እንደተዘጉ ነው።

ለወራት የዘለቀው ውጥረት ምርጫውን ሰበብ አድርጎ መጀመሩን ነዋሪዎች ይገልጻሉ። ሰመጉ ከሁለት ሳምንት በፊት ባወጣው ልዩ መግለጫ ከጥር 7 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተከሰተ ግጭት 7 ሰዎች መገደላቸውንና 9 ሰዎች መቁሳለቸውን

በጥናት አረጋግጦ ይፋ አድርጓል።

ሰመጉ በሪፖርቱ ህዳር 7 ቀን 2007 ዓም አቶ ዑልዴ ሃይሳ በሐመር ወረዳ ሸንቆ ወልፎ ቀበሌ ውስጥ ነዋሪ የነበረ አርብቶ አደር ሲሆን፣ በድንገት በተነሣ አለመግባባት ምክንያት ባሌ ኢልዴ በተባለ የፖሊስ አባል ኩላሊቱ ላይ በከባድ

እርግጫ በመመታቱ የአቶ ዑልዴ ህይወት በእለቱ ህዳር 7 አልፏል። የሐመር ብሔረሰብ አባላት አቶ ዑልዴን የገደለው የፖሊስ አባል ሕግ ፊት ቀርቦ ባለመጠየቁ ከፍተኛ ቅሬታ አድሮባቸውና የመበደል ስሜት ውስጥ ገብተው እንደነበር

የሰብአዊ መብት ድርጅቱ አስታውቃል።

ማንጐ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ፓርክ ጎሽ የገደሉ የሐመር ብሔረሰብ አባላትን ለመያዝ ከደቡብ ኦሞ ዞን ፓሊስና ልዩ ኃይል የተውጣጡ አባላት ጥር 7/ 2007 ሥፍራው ሲደርሱ ለሽምግልና የተቀመጡ የአካባቢውን ሽማግሌዎች ጎሽ ገዳዮችን እንዲያወጡ በጠየቁዋቸው ጊዜ “በቅርቡ የተፈጸመውን የአቶ ዑልዴን ግድያ ሳታጣሩና ገዳዩን ይዛችሁ ለፍርድ ሳታቀርቡ፣ ከረዥም ጊዜ በፊት ጎሽ ገደለ የምትሉትን ሰው ለመያዝ እንዴት መጣችሁ?” የሚል ጥያቄ ማቅረባቸውን ይሁን እንጅ ” የፖሊስና ልዩ ኃይል አባላቱ በወቅቱ የተሰጣቸው ግዳጅ ጎሽ የገደለን ሰው መያዝ ብቻ መሆኑን በመግለጽ፣ ፖሊስ የተላክሁበትን ግዳጅ እፈጽማለሁ በማለቱ የሐመር ሽማግሌዎችና የማኅበረሰቡ አባላት ደግሞ የአቶ ዑልዴ ሃይሳን ገዳይ ሳትይዙ

የጎሽ ገዳይ ልትይዙ አትችሉም በሚል አለመግባባት መፈጠሩን ሪፖርቱ ያስረዳል።

አለመግባባቱ እየተካረረ ሄዶ በዚያው ቀን ጥር 7 ቀን 2007 በሐመር ማኅበረሰብ አባላትና በፖሊሶች መካከል ተኩስ ተጀምሮ፣ ሰፋ ወዳለ ግጭት ያመራ ሲሆን በግጭቱም 7 ሰዎች ሲሞቱ 9 ሰዎች መቁሰላቸውን ማረጋገጡን የሰመጉ 134ኛ

ሪፖርት ያስረዳል።

ሰመጉ ባወጣው የሟቾች ስም ዝርዝር አብዛኞቹ የሞቱትና የቆሰሉት የደቡብ ኦሞ ዞን ፖሊስና የልዩ ሃይል አባላት ናቸው።

ሰመጉ በግጭቱ ተሳታፊ ከነበሩት የሐመር ብሔረሰብ አባላት በኩል ምን ያህል ሰዎች ጉዳት እንደደረሰ ለማወቅ አለመቻሉን በመግለጫው አስታውቋል።

በሃመር ወረዳ ከ45 ሺ በላይ ነዋሪዎች ይኖራሉ። ዲመካ የወረዳው ዋና ከተማ ናት።

(CNN iReport) — Photo – In Bule Hora university, ethnic Oromo students broke through security and closed the polling station citing ”no need to vote if it will not be counted properly”.

Two Observers killed in Kofele Arsi and Ambo , also over 500 Obsrvers are jailed.

About 85% of nearly 36 million Ethiopians casted their votes, says the National Election board of the country. The board has said the election was peaceful, free and fair. The only international observer, the African Union mission, on its part has said the election has met their standards.

Addis Ababa remains largely calm following Election Day, yesterday. Security has clashed with protesters in Oromia, the largest and most populous state that has seen large pro-opposition rallies over the last weeks. At least one killed in Midakengi district of west Shewa in election related violence.

Compared to the rest of the country, turnout was low in Addis Ababa and there are many reports of voter intimidation, observers harassment, and other irregularities. In places where results are announced, the incumbent regime has won most of the votes. The opposition has dismissed these results citing they are rigged.

In Oromia region, the situation is very tense. In West Shewa zone that had seen large crowds of demonstrations in support of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and a stronghold, there has been number of incidents of disputes and conflicts. In some places such as Gudar, dispute between observers, between voters and observers, voters and reps of election board escalated to confrontation. In other places such as Gindeberet, local militia opened fire on the local voters harming some of them.

Eye witness are reporting reinforcement and deployment of large regime security forces to districts such as Cheliya, Ambo, Toke-Kutaye, Bako, Jeldu, Dandi, Gindeberet and Midakengi. These areas had also seen widespread protests last year against the Addis Ababa master plan.

The opposition bloc Medrek has claimed that over 90% of its observers were chased away from polling stations by security of the ruling party. According to reports over the last hours, situation remains very tense after one individual was killed in Arsi zone, another one also was killed in Hadiya in SNNPR.

In Bule Hora university, ethnic Oromo students broke through security and closed the polling station citing ”no need to vote if it will not be counted properly”.

The Ethiopian regime has already declared it is a winner through its affiliated websites and openly on its state radio. The regime will likely continue its 99.6% share of the parliament, even more if not. — Korma

By Messay Kebede:- 

Readers may remember that I was recently involved in a dispute with Tecola Hagos over his article unjustly criticizing the conference on the Horn of Africa, organized by ESAT. In addition to

criticizing his assessment of the conference, my article disapproved his call for a military dictatorship. At the same time, I recognized the rationale that led Tecola to make such a baffling proposal. I noted that he had lost all hope in the possibility of the TPLF reforming itself, even as the necessity of reforms springs to mind in the face of mounting problems and challenges. Meles’s ways of dealing with the problems of Ethiopia have become irrelevant, since they have only aggravated the problems instead of solving them. Tecola’s call for a military coup is, therefore, the only viable solution once the necessity of reforms and the reluctance of the civilian leadership to make reforms are acknowledged. Needless to say, it is the only solution if and only if the goal is to keep power in the hands of a Tigrean military elite. The more I reflected on Tecola’s rationale, the more it became clear that all what the TPLF leadership is doing is just an invitation for a military takeover. Not that the civil leadership of the ruling party expressly wants such an outcome, but because the retention of its hegemony demands that its methods of government as well as its thinking increasingly take the form of a military rule. The trouble, however, is that the civilian leadership cannot continue using military methods without having absolute control over the military. Absolute power cannot tolerate the existence of an autonomous force without ceasing to be absolute.

This is exactly what Rene Lefort, a long-time student of Ethiopia and one of the few scholars who have a first-hand knowledge of the country, notes with particular acuity when he speaks of “the growing autonomy of the army and security services. They have become a state within the state, answerable only to themselves and linked with just a few lead figures in the TPLF. The army in particular has built a military-industrial empire.” He adds, “for the first time, politics has by and large lost control of the gun.” (René Lefort, Ethiopia: a leadership in disarray, Open Democracy).

There is no doubt that a military-like regime is best effected by professional military men rather than by civilians, who can only be amateurs at the job. More importantly, I do not see how a military takeover can be avoided, given the fact that the regime cannot have two different and competing centers of power. The one must accept subordination, and it is hard to imagine how civilians would prevail in the present context of Ethiopia.

Here transpires the difference of TPFL’s notion of the development state from its classical meaning. The classical form, as exemplified by some East Asian countries, shows first well-established military regimes historically assuming a developmental role to counter the threat of communist insurgency through rapid economic development. The case of Ethiopia took a reverse direction, as a civilian party to which the military was subordinated first established a government that progressively evolved into a regime of a military type. True, one can point out a resemblance with the Chinese case, except that the Chinese government never lost the control of its military. This is enough to cast doubt on the feasibility of the developmental state in Ethiopia.

One way by which the civilian leadership can prevent a military takeover is by democratizing the political system. In particular, the participation of opposition parties in the decision making process would diminish the importance of repressive forces and would give the state a form little appealing to military authoritarianism. But, as amply demonstrated by last week election’s, the TPLF is absolutely determined to exclude opposition forces from all participation. What the civilian leadership misses is that the exclusion of the opposition makes it even more dependent on repressive forces, which forces will not be long in realizing that they are the real power.

Let us go further. The ideology of the regime itself, namely, the developmental state, calls for a military type of power structure. Indeed, the ideology does no more than legitimize the idea of an authoritarian state. On the one hand, the ideology clearly requires the postponement of democracy as a necessary condition for economic growth, a position that is music to the ears of the military. On the other, the crucial economic role assigned to the state, not only legitimizes the economic empire controlled by the Ethiopian military, but it also grants them the experience, expertise, in a word, the entitlement to run such a state. Stated otherwise, be it repression or economic guidance and implementation, the military would be much better than the civilian leadership, which on top of being amateurish, is constantly involved in internal disputes and struggles for power that endanger the whole system. The Ethiopian military thus emerges as the sole savior of the system.

The irony here is that, as the TPLF and the EPRDF celebrate their complete “victory” over the opposition, this same victory is also how they create conditions for the surrender of power to the military. In “crushing” the opposition through repression, the civilian leadership is actually furthering the militarization of the state. The weapons by which the TPLF prevails is also how it makes itself increasingly irrelevant. The option for a repressive policy can only generate more conflicts and threats of popular uprisings, the control of which gives more power and indispensability to the military and security forces.

I am not saying that a military coup is inevitable in Ethiopia: nothing is predetermined in societal evolution, given that the occurrence of a specific event requires the encounter of a host of conditions. I am just indicating a tendency, which precisely can turn into necessity if nothing is done to prevent it. In social as well in human life, doing nothing amounts to necessity for only then does the possible become inevitable.

ግንቦት ፳ (ሃያ) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ኢህአዴግ የግንቦት15ቱን ምርጫ መቶ በመቶ ማሸነፉ ከተገለጸ በሁዋላ የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎች ከሁለት ተከፍለዋል። ምንጮች እንደገለጹት በርካታ ፊደል ቀመስ አባሎቹ ኢህአዴግ አሸነፍኩ

ያለበትን የድምጽ ልዩነት አልተቀበሉትም። ውጤቱን የሚቃወሙ የግንባሩ አባላት ” ህዝቡ ከእንግዲህ በሰላም መንግስት እቀይራለሁ የሚለው እምነቱ ተሟጦ የሃይል አማራጭን ብቻ እንዲመለከት ከማድረጉም በላይ፣ የሃይል አማራጭን

የሚከተሉ ሃይሎች በህዝቡም ሆነ በአለማቀፉ ማህበረሰብም የተሻለ ተቀባይነት እንዲያገኙ ያደርጋቸዋል” በማለት ለድርጅቱ አስተያየታቸውን እየሰጡ ነው።

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ተገኘ የተባለውን ውጤት ከመደገፍ አልፈው፣ ህዝቡ እንዴት ለተቃዋሚዎች ይህን ያክል ድምጽ ሊሰጥ ቻለ በማለት በቁጭት አስተያየት የሚሰጡ ደጋፊዎች መኖራቸውንም ምንጮች ገልጸዋል።

ኢህአዴግ እያሰባሰበ ባለው መረጃ ላይ እንደተገለጸው፣ አንዳንዶች ” ይህ ህዝብ ምን አይነት ልቡ የማይታወቅ ከሃዲ ህዝብ ነው! እንዴት ይሄን ሁሉ ልማት እያዬ ለተቃዋሚ ድምጹን ሊሰጥ ቻለ?” የሚል አስተያየት ሰንዝረዋል።

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ምርጫ ቦርድ ራሱ ባወጣው ሰሌዳ መሰረት የምርጫውን ውጤት መግለጽ የነበረበት ግንቦት21 ቢሆንም፣ የግንቦት20 በአልን ለማድመቅ እንዲረዳ በሚል ከእቅዱ በፊት እንዲገለጽ መደረጉን ምንጮችን ዋቢ በማድረግ

ዘጋቢያችን ገልጿል።

ኢህአዴግ በየክልሉ ከፍተኛ ወጪ የወጣበት የፌሽታ በዓላትን አዘጋጅቷል። ትናንት የገዢው ፓርቲ ደጋፊ አርቲስቶች ያዘጋጁት የኪነጥበብ ምሽት በብሔራዉ ቲያትር ተካሂዷል፡፡፡ በርካታ የፌዴራል የመንግስት መ/ቤቶች በተለያዩ ሆቴሎች

በዓሉን ለማክበር ጥሪ አስተላልፈዋል።

ምርጫ ቦርድ የኢህአዴግን አሸናፊነት ቢያውጅም መድረክ የተባለው የተለያዩ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ስብስብ የምርጫውን ውጤት አልተቀበለውም። ድርጅቱ ምርጫው አነስተኛ የሚባሉ መስፈርቶችን እንኳ ያላሟላ በማለት አጣጥሎታል። መድረክ

በአገሪቱ ውስጥ ያሉ ገለልተኛ የሚባሉ ሰዎች ተመርጠው መምርራ እንዲያካሂዱ ጠይቋል።

ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ምርጫውን በተመለከተ ይህን ዜና እስካጠናከርንበት ጊዜ ድረስ ያለው ነገር የለም። መንግስት የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ደጋፊዎችን እያዋከበ በማሰር ላይ መሆኑ፣ ፓርቲውን አጣብቂኝ ውስጥ ሳይከተው አልቀረም። ሰማያዊ የምርጫውን

ውጤት ይቀበለዋል ተብሎ አይጠበቅም።

የአሜሪካ መንግስትና የአውሮፓ ህብረት ምርጫውን በተመለከተ በርካታ እጸጾችን አውጥተው ቢገልጹም፣ ከኢህአዴግ ጋር ያላቸውን ግንኙነት እንደማያቋርጡ አስታውቀዋል። የአሜሪካ ስቴት ዲፓርትመንት ባወጣው መግለጫ ዲፕሎማቶች

በምርጫ ታዛቢነት እንዳይሰታፉ መከልከላቸው፣ ምርጫው አሳታፊ አለመሆኑንና የተለያዩ ጋዜጠኞችና ፖለቲከኞች መታሰራቸውን በመግለጫቸው አመልክተዋል።

በምርጫው ሂደት ያጋጠሙ በርካታ አስገራሚ ክስተቶች ለኢሳት እየደረሱ ነው። ግንቦት12 ቀን 2007 ዓም በአዲስ አበባ ልዩ ቦታው ላንቻ ወይም ጠመንጃ ያዥ ነዋሪ የሆነ አንድ የ12 ዓመት ህፃን የኢህአዴግን የምርጫ መልዕክት ያየዘ

ፖስተር ከተለጠፈበት ግድግዳ ላይ ቀደሃል በሚል 6 ወር ተፈርዶበታል።

በአዲስ አበባ ችሎት በሚባል ቦታ አርብ ግንቦት 14 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም ሁለት ማየት የተሳናቸው ወጣቶች ተይዘው ታስረዋል። ወጣቶቹ የተያዙት አንደኛው ሙሉ ሰማያዊ ልብስ ለብሶ በመውጣቱ በተፈጠረው አተካራ ነው። የአካባቢው

ሴት ካድሬ አንደኛውን ማየት የተሳነው ወጣት “ለምን ሰማያዊ ልብስ ለበስክ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባል ነሆይ?” በማለት ጥያቄ ስታቀርበለት፣ ጓደኛው “ምን አገባሽ ምንስ ብለብስ!” የሚል መልስ መስጠቱን ተከትሎ፣ ግለሰቧ በብስጪት

ለደህንነቶች ባስተላለፈችው ጥቆማ መሰረት ሁለቱም ወጣቶች በድንገት ታፍነው የተወሰዱ ሲሆን እስከዛሬ ድረስ ታስረው ይገኛሉ።

መነን መሰናዶና 2ኛ ደረጃ ት/ቤት እንዲሁም ፀሃይ ጮራ ት/ቤት ውስጥ የሚገኙ ቁጥራቸው 20 መምህራንና 30 ተማሪዎች የሰማያዊና የአንድነት ፓርቲ አባላት ናቸው በሚል ዝርዝራቸው ለጸጥታ አካላት ተልዕኮ በልዩ ሁኔታ ክትትል እንዲደረግባቸው ከአዲስ አበባ ፖሊስ ኮሚሽን ከምርጫ በፊት ትዕዛዝ ተላልፎ እንደነበርም የደረሰን መረጃ ያመለክታል።

(Reuters) The leader of Ethiopia’s newest opposition party hopes discontent among urban youth will win him support in a weekend election that could otherwise be a clean sweep for the ruling party in Africa’s most populous nation after Nigeria.

Over 36 million people have registered for the May 24 polls, the country’s first

election since long-serving leader Meles Zenawi died in 2012.

His Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been in power for almost a quarter of a century, and faces no reasonable prospect of defeat – the current 547-seat parliament has just one opposition member.

Yilekal Getinet, chairman of the three-year old Blue Party, or Semayawi in Amharic, says it originally put forward 400 candidates but electoral authorities cut the list to 139.

Semayawi expects to win seats in the urban areas in spite of such obstacles.

“The people’s anger is increasing from time to time. By the strong opposition from the people and demands for further changes we may win in towns,” he said.

Semayawi, which wants less government involvement in the economy, sees itself as offering change in Ethiopian politics, with the vast majority of its members younger than 35.

Some 57 opposition parties are taking part in the polls but analysts say they present no real threat.

The opposition won an unprecedented 147 seats in an election 10 years ago but most of them did not join parliament, alleging the ballot had been rigged. Many of then spent two years behind bars on charges of inciting violence.

LOTTERY

Yilekal says over 50 party members have been detained by police, and accuses the government of unfairly allocating financial resources to the ruling party and depriving opposition parties of television air time, claims rejected by authorities.

Yilekal’s name will not be on the ballot after he was disqualified by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), which ran a draw to pick candidates for 52 parties that had never taken part in an election.

NEBE chairperson Merga Bekana said most of Semayawi’s candidates had broken electoral rules by belonging to another party, adding the board had been tough on all sides.

Two ruling party members have been arrested in recent days on charges of breaking the law, Merga said, adding the environment was “conducive” to open politics.

Yilekal was not reassured. “There may be an increment in some numbers but that does not show that Ethiopia is in a democratic process. The whole process is deteriorating,” he said.

* Ruling party caps campaign with mock guerrilla battles

* Opposition groups complain of intimidation

* EPRDF set for landslide - analysts, diplomats

By Aaron Maasho

ADDIS ABABA, May 21 (Reuters) - Ethiopia's ruling party wrapped up its campaign for Sunday's election with a thunderous rally of fireworks and mock guerrilla battles, paving the way for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to secure a landslide victory in the Horn of Africa giant.

About 30,000 government supporters waved party flags and sang patiotic songs at a final show of force by the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, which has been in power since 1991.

"They changed the country for the better so why would I vote for someone else?" Migbare Abi, a 30-year-old disabled cobbler, said inside the Addis Ababa stadium where traditional music blared out from loudseakers.

More than 36 million have registered to vote in the first legislative elections since Hailemariam took office following the death of long-serving leader Meles Zenawi in 2012.

Diplomats and analysts say the ruling party is set for another landslide victory in Africa's most populous nation after Nigeria.

EPRDF youth members staged dance shows while another group wearing army fatigues and brandishing decommissioned AK-47 rifles staged mock battles, in a nod to the ruling party's rebel past.

The spectacle was in stark contrast to opposition rallies, which have rarely attracted more than few hundred people.

Leaders from the fragmented and under-funded opposition say the government has stifled dissent, infiltrating rival parties and arresting their members. Rights groups say the government has also used security laws to curb free speech, something officials deny.

The 547-seat parliament has only one opposition figure in its ranks. Others have questioned the independence of the board handling the elections.

Hailemariam dismissed those charges, saying steps had been taken to ensure the transparency and fairness of the polls. He also told the opposition not to push its case on the streets.

Around 200 people were killed after 2005 elections during rallies by protesters saying the EPRDF's win had been rigged - allegations dismissed by the party.

"We would like to warn them against such illegal activity," Hailemariam told parliament on Thursday. "We are prepared to take measures against any form of incitement for violence."

Since 1991 when rebels led by Meles toppled dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam after a 17-year guerrilla war, Ethiopia has worked hard to shed its image as a land of famine and conflict.

Hailemariam's deputy, Demeke Mekonnen, said the coalition would continue to focus on the economy, which has expanded at an average 10 percent a year over the past decade, one of the highest rates in the world.

"We will continue our work to transform Ethiopia, achieve our democratic goals and change the lives of our citizens," he said to cheers from supporters wearing yellow jackets with pictures of bees - a party election logo symbolising hard work. (Editing by Ed Cropley and Andrew Heavens)

Source: http://www.trust.org/item/20150521140627-mi8rm/?

By William Davison, Bloomberg 

A month before Ethiopia’s elections, opposition activist Getahun Abraham walked into a compound of government offices in the southern town of Gimbichu, doused his body in gasoline and set himself alight. It took more than 10 minutes for bystanders to extinguish the flames.

“We were in a meeting when we heard a scream,” local police chief Moges Bafe recalled of the day the 25-year-old physics teacher committed suicide. “When we ran out, he was burning and we also screamed. The fire looked like a big house was being burned.”

Getahun had become desperate after the authorities rebuffed his requests to transfer him from his home village to Gimbichu and believed the refusals were politically motivated, according to his friend, Teshome Demissie, a hospital cashier.

Unlike Mohamed Bouazizi, the unemployed Tunisian whose self-immolation helped trigger the Arab Spring in December 2010, Getahun’s suicide hasn’t sparked protests in Ethiopia. Africa’s second-most populous nation after Nigeria with the continent’s fastest-growing economy over the past decade remains under the firm grip of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, which won all but one of the 547 parliamentary seats in elections five years ago.

Little is expected to change on May 24 when Ethiopians vote for federal and regional lawmakers.

‘Big’ Victory

The ruling party “will win big time” because of its development record and better organization, Dereje Feyissa Dori, Africa research director at the International Law and Policy Institute in Norway, said in an e-mailed response to questions. While the opposition is divided and unable to articulate alternative policies, they might gain “at least some protest votes,” he said.

When Getahun joined Medrek, a four-party bloc that forms the main opposition to the ruling EPRDF, his brother Wondimu Abraham warned him he was risking trouble.

“I told him don’t be part of Medrek, don’t get involved, as after a time you will face a problem,” Wondimu, a 30-year-old member of the EPRDF who works at the main court in Gimbichu, about 211 kilometers (131 miles) southwest of the capital, Addis Ababa, said in an interview.

Getahun grew depressed by the authorities’ denial of his repeated requests to be transferred from the school in his family’s village of Humaro, to Gimbichu, 7 kilometers away, Wondimu said.

Political Activity

The chief administrator in Gimbichu, Elias Ersado Benchamo, said local officials weren’t aware of Getahun’s political activity and didn’t receive any transfer requests. Getahun killed himself because he was lovesick, isolated from his family or addicted to the stimulant khat, Elias said in an interview on May 8.

Medrek members say they face routine harassment by the authorities. The U.S., which backs the Ethiopian army’s role in battling al-Qaeda-linked militants in neighboring Somalia, has echoed United Nations’ condemnations of the government’s jailing of activists and journalists.

Ethiopian officials say they only prosecute activists and journalists who break the law.

The nation’s authorities have used “multiple channels” to enforce “political control,” London-based Amnesty International said in a February report. Steps include “politicizing access to job and education opportunities.”

Transform Ethiopia

The four-party EPRDF, with more than 7 million members, says it’s seeking to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income nation by 2025. The state controls strategic economic sectors such as telecommunications.

The party’s dominance was clear in Gimbichu, located in the ethnic Hadiya zone of Ethiopia’s southern region. On a muddy high street of small cafes and barbershops most buildings were plastered with the ruling coalition’s worker-bee symbol. A couple of Medrek posters were also displayed.

A color billboard on Gimbichu’s outskirts showed images of some of the EPRDF’s economic achievements: low-cost housing and a hydropower dam. Infrastructure and social-services spending has helped economic growth average 10 percent over the past decade, the UN Development Programme said this month.

While Ethiopia’s poverty rate fell from 39 percent to 26 percent between 2005 and 2013, a quarter of the country’s 100 million people still live below the UN poverty threshold of $1.25 a day, it said.

Talking Politics

Getahun didn’t believe in the ruling party’s success claims and often stopped people in the countryside to talk about politics.

“He thought the EPRDF used democracy as cosmetics,” Teshome said. “Internally they use dictatorship, and their cover is democracy.”

About two weeks after Getahun’s self-immolation, charred scraps of clothing still litter the grass at the government compound. Nearby, he had left cash, a copy of the New Testament, a suicide note and his Medrek membership card, his brother said.

In the five-page letter, Getahun took responsibility for his actions and described his despair over family issues and feelings of persecution.

“Being in politics shouldn’t get you punished this much,” he wrote.

By Prof. Feqadu Lamessa:-

Editor's Note - This piece was first published in 2013 and has been re-published upon public request. Al Jazeera would help spread the truth by interviewing independent scholars like Prof. Feqade Lamessa, instead of stoking the fires of ethnic and religious conflicts in Ethiopia by airing the views of hateful radical Moslem Oromos.

 (ADAMA, Ethiopia) - Recently, the Qatar-based media al Jazeera has published several articles concerning the Oromo people of Ethiopia. It is the first international media outlet to extensively report on our people and it should be praised for bringing our cause to the world stage.

One of the benefits of this exposure is it forces Ethiopian authorities to address human rights abuses in the country and to let them know that the world is watching. Oromos and other Ethiopians have been struggling for equal rights and democracy for decades. While it is important to report about Oromo people' background and historical perspectives, it is however vital that we report accurate information. Instead of benefiting us, reporting inaccurate or biased information can actually harm our struggle for democracy. Instead of creating national consensus and peace, it can instigate bitterness and anger.

One of the reasons al Jazeera reported inaccurate information about Oromo history is because it depended on one-sided sources, especially from members or supporters of Oromo groups outside of Ethiopia (diaspora OLF, OFDM etc). But nobody can blame al Jazeera media because most people inside Ethiopia would be too scared to speak or contribute. The only option al Jazeera or any foreign media has is to use diaspora/refugee/external sources outside Ethiopia. This is a dilemma all foreign media outlets face while reporting about third-world countries like Ethiopia.

For educational purposes, some corrections are provided below to fix inaccuracies reported on al Jazeera media regarding Oromo history and our struggle for democracy. The corrections below are supported by non-political scholars, but they might be rejected by biased politicians (both from ruling party and from opposition party) for the obvious reasons. However, they are based on historical textbooks, European authors and scholarly accounts.

Fiction #1:

"Between 1868 and 1900, half of all Oromo were killed, around 5 million people"

Fact #1:

This is one of the most repeated inaccuracies, usually told by Secessionist Oromos, radical ethno-nationalist politicians outside the country or pro-OLF history revisionist websites like gadaa.com et al. However, the undisputed fact is that even the total Ethiopian population (the sum of dozens of ethnic groups) was much less than 5 million in the late 1800s, let alone one ethnic group being 10 million. So claiming that 5 million ethnic Oromos were killed by Emperor Menelik's forces does not add up. The truth is several thousand Oromos were in fact killed during battles of that era. It was not a "genocide" as some politicians claim but it was a massacre of the ill equipped southern forces defeated by the Shewan military of Emperor Menelik which had more European weapons. Throughout those decades, the truth is more Oromos were killed by other Oromos than by non-Oromos because competing Oromo Clans often traded for weapons to have an upper hand against their local competitors, who were often their fellow Oromo and Sidama neighbors. And it was not the first lop sided victory of that era in Africa because various communities from all corners of Ethiopia had attacked one another during the "resource battles" and whichever group had more modern weapons had the upper hand. To summarize, Professor Mengistu Paulos of JimmaUniversity said it best when describing right-wing Oromo liberation philosophy:--

"Most fictional accounts of 'Oromo history' blindly accepted as facts by some misled people are manufactured by former politicians turned Pseudo-historians like OLF writer Asafa Jalata, who is renowned for abuse of paraphrasing, often with out-of-context citations. For example, while quoting the 19th century Russian AlexanderBulatovich (who provided an 'educated guess' of annihilation of almost half Ethiopian population by disease, famine and war, including internal conflict between Oromo clans and with Abyssinians), the OLF-writer Asafa Jalatainfamously claimed half Oromo population was killed by 'evil' Amharas. This was purposely done by Mr. Jalata to create a foundation for ethnic hatred between Oromos and Amharas. Ironically, even Mr. Bulatovich himself never had the capacity nor the legitimacy to do a reliable census, as he spent just a couple of months walking around Oromia and hunting elephants in 1890s."

Fiction #2:

"…. largely Muslim Oromo people"

Fact #2:

This is a phrase seen in some media outlets but not most. Oromo people have never been a predominantly Muslim people. In fact, both Christianity and Islam is not our ancestral religion because we have practiced an indigenous traditional religion for centuries before. Gradually, Islam and Christianity were both adopted (during Oromo migrations) by us and imposed (during conquest of our lands by Abyssinian/Christians & Somalis/Islam) on us thru out history. Even today, both the two major religions have equal representation among Oromos. The latest official 2007 census showed that around 48% of Oromos practice Christianity (Both Orthodox & Protestant) while around 47% of Oromos practice Islam. Yet, word on the ground is that the Islam population might soon surpass Christianity among Oromos in the future because Orthodox Christianity is decreasing inside Oromia.

Fiction #3

"Abyssinians labelled Oromos the derogatory word 'Galla'"

Fact #3:

For many decades, this false statement has been used by Oromo separatists to create emotional resentment among Oromos against Semitic Abyssinians (Amharas, Tigrayans and Gurages). The fact is the derogatory word "Galla" was first used by Arab and muslim Somalis to describe Oromos as "gal" meaning "outsiders" and "Pagans." Muslims used this label during Oromo migration because Oromo people had their own religion which the Muslims believed was paganism. Nonetheless, this derogatory word was gradually adopted and used by other Ethiopians.

Fiction #4:

"Oromos were colonized by Emperor Menelik"

Fact: #4

Another popular claim made by secessionist Oromo politicians (and usually repeated by foreign journalists) is the fiction that Oromo people (as a whole ethnic group) were colonized by another ethnic group. Usually, the slogan goes "Abyssinians colonized Oromos" etc. This claim is popular among the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) organization and consequently among some Diaspora Oromo nationalists living in America and Europe. While a different version or a re-arrangement of the wording might still be true…in general, the Oromo nation as a whole was never colonized by another Ethiopian ethnic group. To start with, even a united one Oromo nation did not exist at those times. All non-political historical textbooks show the existence of battles between multi-ethnic BUT monolingual communities for many centuries through out Ethiopia. Even in northern Ethiopia (traditional "Abyssinia") Oromos have migrated and mixed so much with Tigrayans, Amharas, Afars etc for centuries that the "Abyssinia" state itself was never a one-ethnic state. In fact, even around the 1700s, Rayya Oromos and Yejju WalloOromos conquered and dominated a portion of Amharas and Tigrayans; and thus made Afan Oromo the official language of Abyssinia for that brief period. Meaning: clans and ethnic groups have mixed up in Ethiopia for over a millennium but the dominant ethnic group always imposed its language since it was convenient. This linguistic domination however was not always as exploitive and as vilified as it is today; because many of the ethnic groups living along trade centers and trade routes often spoke the languages of other ethnic groups already, because there was financial or commercial incentive to do so. This is the background of the region. Therefore, when it comes to the Emperor Menelik era, all historians have argued that it is more factual to say a predominantly Amharic language speaking community gradually conquered a predominantly Afan Oromo language speaking community in the 1800s. So this does not mean an Oromo ethnic group was conquered by an Amhara ethnic group. In fact, just like Amharas of the north were divided,Oromos were also divided and in conflict among themselves. The obvious evidence for this comes from the fact that the Amhara Emperor Menelik was imprisoned by other Amhara regional kings when he was younger. And when he was freed, Oromo clans were also in fierce battles amongst each other, so much so that the Tullama Oromo, Limmu and Macha Oromos created an alliance with the Shewan Amharas ofMenelik, leading to the infamous battles of 1880s that led to this said alliance easily crushing the non-allied Oromosin various bloody wars. In short, Oromos as a one whole were never colonized by exclusively non-Oromos. In fact, the original founders of the OLF organization themselves never believed it so they did not emphasize the word "colonization" in the beginning. But in the mid-1970s, OLF leaders needed to mobilize Oromos against Emperor Haile Selassie (who was half Oromo himself) and to justify the call for "Oromia independence" from "colonial Ethiopia." Therefore OLF had to create a bad cop-good cop scenario for their convenience and simplified history for their people to create national resentment. This helped OLF to portray Oromos as suddenly being colonized by this foreign ethnic group (Amhara) that we (Oromos) have never came in contact with before. This is common tactic used by national liberation movements around the world. The truth that most Ethiopians know is that Shewa basedOromos and Amharas (ethnically mixed Ethiopians) were the main creators of modern Ethiopia. In his book "Who are the Shoans," the historian and anthropologist, Dr. Gerry Salole once summarized that: "In terms of descent, the group that became politically dominant in Shewa (and subsequently in Ethiopia) was a mixture of Amhara and Oromo."

In Conclusion, the above are 4 of the main issues that create confusion for foreign journalists who report on Oromo people and Oromo politics in Ethiopia. While it is vital that al Jazeera and other media outlets cover the current suffering of Oromos and other Ethiopians, it is necessary to report responsibly. Otherwise, creating confusion and resentment between the younger Ethiopian population causes more problems than solutions. In reality, not justOromos, but all Ethiopians have suffered under several governments and the only way they can achieve freedom and lasting democracy is when united, not when divided by tribes or not when being polarized by historical lies presented as truth. It is important that foreign media outlets make corrections or report accurate information to avoid inflammatory statements that are destructive and counter productive against Oromos and all Ethiopian people' ongoing struggle for democracy, development and justice.

-- Feqadu Lamessa is a former Adama University professor and writer

By Simegnish (Lily) Mengesha :-

For any ordinary person, engaging in discussion with the world’s most powerful leader feels close to impossible. But I experienced the impossible when I met President Barack Obama on World Press Freedom Day to speak about media restrictions in Ethiopia.

My invitation to the White House came a few days after Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman issued a startling statement praising the Ethiopian government: “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward,” she said.

And so my excitement at meeting President Obama was tempered by my concern over the seeming contradiction between the United States highlighting repression in Ethiopia on the one hand, and its public praise of the Ethiopian regime on the other.

On the one hand, the president’s offer to speak with an Ethiopian journalist about media restrictions and his remarks about the growing number of journalists silenced by death or imprisonment sends a message. This act seems to show a recognition by the United States of Ethiopia’s increased use of legal pressure, imprisonment, and other forms of persecution to suppress independent reporting.

During our private discussion, my first question to President Obama concerned the grounds on which the U.S. government believed that the election in Ethiopia will be fair, free, credible, open, and inclusive. None of these words represent the election that will be held in a few weeks’ time. Furthermore, I asked the president if his government would also issue a strong statement criticizing the restrictions on political rights and freedoms in Ethiopia.

In his response, President Obama acknowledged my concerns and said, “In any statement we make, there should be an acknowledgment that there have been issues surrounding freedom of the press, and that unless and until there is free reporting of all views in an election, and opposition voices can be heard, the elections themselves are not going to embody fully the meaning of democracy.”

I appreciate the president’s acknowledgment, but still question why his government needed to publicly laud the upcoming election as a step forward, while simultaneously failing to point out and strongly condemn the repressions in my country.

I was a journalist in Ethiopia for over 10 years. I witnessed the closure of more than half the newspapers and magazines once published in the country because of direct or indirect orders from the government. Self-censorship became predominant among those of us who strived to work in the remaining space available.

The Ethiopian government uses its infamous 2009 ‘Anti-Terrorism Law’ as its tool to throw many of my colleagues and close friends in jail. Those who are not jailed suffer from continued harassment and intimidation. New reports show that in 2014 alone, 30 journalists fled the country following the 2014 arrest of three independent journalists and six bloggers.

The U.S. administration is well aware of all these pressures and restrictions and yet chooses to maintain its friendship with the Ethiopian regime because, as the Under-Secretary said in a letter to the Washington Post, “Ethiopia is a valuable partner in a critical region.”

That is another concern I raised during my discussion with President Obama: how the United States can better prioritize support for human rights and democracy in a closed country such as Ethiopia, where regional security concerns tend to take precedence in U.S. engagement.

Under-Secretary Sherman pointed out in her letter that the United States maintains a frank discussion with Ethiopia regarding democracy and human rights. In her meetings with Ethiopian officials, she said she expressed concerns about restrictions on political space, arrests, and imprisonment of independent journalists, as well as the use of anti-terrorism legislation to stifle political dissent.

The journalists, bloggers, and political prisoners suffering in jail do not care about what Sherman’s government expresses behind the scenes or how she tries to balance her statement in a small letter to the editor in the Post. What matters to them is what is said and done publicly.

In our discussion, President Obama said, “We recognize that our criticisms in some cases may fall on deaf ears.” He is right. The Ethiopian authorities don’t listen to what is said behind the curtain. They care what the United States says boldly and upfront, like Under Secretary Sherman’s statement during her visit.

President Obama also talked about the balance his government tries to find when attempting to create space for freedom of the press. He said the United States doesn’t want to be heavy-handed, so as not to create a backlash, but it doesn’t want to say nothing either.

Then where lies the balance the United States is trying to strike? Where is the consistency? Which voice is heard most: the loud voice praising repression or the hushed concern behind closed doors?

--

Simegnish “Lily” Mengesha is a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy. The views expressed here are her own.

ሚያዝያ ፲፪ (አስራ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ገዢው ፓርቲ ከመጪው ምርጫ ጋር በተያያዘ ህዝቡን አስተባብረው ህዝባዊ አመጽ ያስነሱ ይሆናል በሚል የሚጠረጥራቸውን ወጣቶች ሁሉ እያፈሰ ከማሰር አልፎ ፣ አንዳንዶች እየተገደሉ ሌሎች ደግሞ አሰቃቂ ድብደባ እየተፈጸመባቸው ነው።

በባህርዳር ዩኒቨርስቲ ዋናው ግቢ የሚማር አንድ የመድረክ አባል እንደሆነ የሚታወቅ የ3ኛ አመት ተማሪ ግቢው ውስጥ ወድቆ ከተገኘ በሁዋላ የተሻለ ህክምና ለማግኘት ባለመቻሉ ህይወቱ አልፎአል።

በቴክስታይል የትምህርት ክፍል የኢንጀሪንግ 3ኛ አመት ተማሪ የነበረው ያዕቆብ ቡዴ ከደቡብ ህዝቦች ክልል የመጣ ሲሆን ሰኞ ግንቦት 10/2007 ዓ.ም ከምሽቱ በ5 ሰዓት በግቢው ውስጥ ወድቆ በመገኘቱ በአካባቢው ሲዘዋወሩ የነበሩ ተማሪዎች አግኝተውት ፣ በዩኒቨርስቲው ክሊኒክ እንዲረዳ ቢያደርጉትም ወደ ተሻለ ህክምና ሊወሰድ ባለመቻሉ ህይወቱ ከሌሊቱ 8 ሰዓት ማለፉን የዩኒቨርስቲው ምንጮች ገልጸዋል፡፡

ተማሪ ያዕቆብ ቡዴ የመድረክ ፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ደጋፊ ሆኖ እንደሚንቀሳቀስ በቅርብ የሚያውቁት ተማሪዎች ይናገራሉ፡፡ የገዢው መንግስት ካድሬዎች በየጊዜው ይዝቱበት እንደነበር የሚናገሩት የልጁ ጓደኞች በዩኒቨርስቲ ቆይታው አንድም ቀን ታሞ እንደማያውቅ ያክላሉ። ወጣቱ በልብ ህመም እንደሞተ ተደርጎ የሚሰጠው መግለጫ ትክክል አለመሆኑን የሟቹ ጓደኞች ገልጸዋል።

የባህርዳሩ ፈለገ ህይወት ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል በሚገኝበት ከተማ እና በርካታ አምቡላንስና የዩኒቨርስቲው መኪኖች እያሉ ወደ ህክምና ማድረስ ሲቻል በዩኒቨርስቲው አነስተኛ ክሊኒክ በቂ እርዳታ ሳደረግለት ህይወቱ በማለፉ ከፍተኛ ንዴት ውስጥ የሚገኙት የሟች ጓደኞችና የትምህርት ክፍል አጋሮቹ ፣ ጓደኛችን ሆን ተብሎ እንዲሞት ተደርጓል በማለት ብስጫታቸውን እየገለጹ ነው።

የሟች አስክሬን ከሌሊቱ በ10 ሰዓት በዩኒቨርስቲው መኪና ተጭኖ በድብቅ ወደ ትውልድ ሀገሩ ሸኖ ከተማ መላኩን የውስጥ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል፡፡

ከአሁን በፊት በዩኒቨርስቲው ውስጥ የሚማሩ ተማሪዎች በህመምም ሆነ በተለያዩ ምክንቶች ሲያርፉ ተማሪውና የዩንቨርስቲው ማህበረሰብ በነቂስ ወጥቶ በዲፓርትመንቱ የአበባ ጉንጉን ተዘጋጅቶ እንደሚሸኝ የሚገልጹት ተማሪዎች፣ የተማሪው አስከሬን በድብቅ አንዲሄድ መደረጉ ከአሟሟቱ ጋር በተያያዘ ሌሎች ችግሮች እንዳይነሱ በመስጋት ነው ይላሉ።

ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባል የሆነው አቤል ኤፍሬም በደረሠበት ድብደባ ኩላሊቱ ተጎድቶ ምንሊክ ሆስፒታል መግባቱ ታውቋል።

ወጣት አቤል በደህንነቶች ተይዞ ወደማዕከላዊ መወሰዱን የገለጹት የቅርብ ጓደኞቹ፤ ማዕከላዊ እስር ቤት ከቀኑ 5 ሠዓት ጀምሮ እስከ እኩለ-ሌሊት በተፈፀመበት ከፍተኛ ድብደባ ኩላሊቱ በመጎዳቱ ሌሊት 11 ሠዓት ላይ ወደምኒልክ ሆስፒታል እንደተወሰደ ተናግረዋል።

እንደ ትግል ጓደኞቹ ገለጻ አቤል ከመያዙ ከአንድ ቀን ቀደም ብሎ በአቃቂ ቃሊቲ ክፍለ ከተማ በሚገኙ የመንግስት ትምህርት ቤቶች ውስጥ በማስተማር ላይ የሚገኙ 13 መምህራን በፖሊስ ተይዘው የታሰሩ ሲሆን፤ አቤል ማዕከላዊ በገባበት ቀን ፦” በአቃቂ ቃሊቲ ክፍለ ከተማ የሚገኙ መምህራንን በህቡዕ እንደምታደራጅ ደርሰንበታል” የሚል ክስ ቀርቦበታል።

ለመርማሪዎቹ ስለጉዳዩ ምንም የሚያውቀው ነገር እንደሌለ የገለፀው ወጣት አቤል፤ ብሔሩን ሲጠየቅ “ብሔሬ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው” ማለቱ ያናደዳቸው የደህንነት ኃይሎች መታወቂያውን በመቀበል ብሔሩን ለማጣራት ሲሞክሩ ብሔር የሚለው ስፍራ ላይ ምንም ብሄር አለመጠቀሱን ተመልክተዋል።

“ተያዥ” በሚለው ስፍራ ላይ ታማኝ በየነ የሚል ፅሁፍ በማገኘቱ፤ በብስጭትና በእልህ እየተፈራረቁ ክፉኛ እንደደበደቡት ጓደኞቹ ይገልጻሉ።

ሌሊቱን በሙሉ ምግብ እና ውሃ ሳይቀምስ ክፉኛ ሲደበድቡት ያደሩት የደህንነት ሀይሎች ፤ ሌሊት ላይ የአቤልን መድከም ሲረዱ ምኒልክ ሆስፒታል እንደወሰዱት ገልጸዋል።

በምኒልክ ሆስፒታል የነበሩ የ ዐይን ምስክሮች አቤል ሆስፒታል ሲደርስ በድብደባ ብዛት ኩላሊቲ እንዳበጠ እና የለበሰው ልብስ ከጥቅም ውጪ እንደሆነ መናገራቸውን ጓደኞቹ ተናግረዋል።

ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ባወጣው ዘገባ ደግሞ ቤተሰቦቹ ምኒልክ ሆስፒታል ለመጠየቅ በሄዱበት ወቅት ዶክተሮቹ አቤልን መጠየቅ እንደማይቻል ገልጸውላቸዋል።

አቤል ከፍተኛ ጉዳት እንደደረሰበትና ማንንም ማናገር እንደማይችል ሆስፒታሉ ውስጥ ከሚሰሩ ሰዎች መረጃ ማግኘታቸውን ቤተሰቦቹ ለነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ገልጸዋል፡፡

አቤል ሰማያዊ በጠራው አንድ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ላይ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ተደብድቦ ራሱን ስቶ ከሞት መትረፉ በወቅቱ መዘገቡ ይታወቃል። አቤል ኤፍሬም ታህሳስ ወር ላይ ከኢሳት ጋር ባደረገው ቃለምልልስ አንድ ሃይለ ሃለፎም የሚባል ፖሊስ ብሄርህ የት ነው ብሎ ሲጠይቀው ኢትዮጵያዊ ብሎ መመለሱን፣ ከዚያም ጥያቄ ሲበዛበት አባቴ የተወለደው አድዋ ነው ብሎመናገሩን፣ ፖሊሱም ” እና አንተ ደግሞ ምን ጎድሎብህ ነው የምትታገለው” ብሎ ከመለሰለት በሁዋላ ስርአቱን አምርሮ እንዲታገለው እንዳደረገው” ገልጾ ነበር ።

በአዲስ አበባ የ22 ማዞሪያ ሰፈር ነዋሪ የኾነው የ25 ዓመቱ ወጣት ሢሳይ ተሾመ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ በደረሰበት አስከፊና ተደጋጋሚ ድብደባ ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት ለህልፈተ ህይወት እንደተዳረገ መዘገባችን ይታወሳል።

ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ የቀዳሚ ገፅ ጋዜጣ ሥራ አስኪያጅና አምደኛ እንዲሁም የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ጋዜጣ ሪፖርተር የነበረው ሀብታሙ ምናለ ዛሬ ከረፋዱ 5፡30 ላይ ቦሌ ሩዋንዳ ከሚገኘው መኖሪያ ቤቱ በፖሊሶች ተይዞ በአካባቢው ወደ ሚገኘው ፖሊስ ጣቢያ መወሰዱ ታውቋል።

እስካሁን በሚደርሱን መረጃዎች በአለፉት 2 ወራት ከ4 ሺ በላይ ወጣቶች በተለያዩ የአገሪቱ ክፍሎች ተይዘው ታስረዋል። ከ3 ሺ ያላነሱ ወጣቶች አዋሽ አርባ አካባቢ ከሚገኝ የገጠር እስር ቤት ውስጥ ሲገኙ፣ ንቁ የተቃዋሚ አባላት ናቸው የተባሉት ደግሞ በአዲስ አበባና በክልሎች ታስረው ይገኛሉ።

ገዢው ፓርቲ በክልሎችና በአዲስ አበባ ያለውን ደህንነቱን እያጠናከረ ሲሆን፣ በአንዳንድ ከተሞች በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ የታጠቁ ወታደሮች በህዝቡ ላይ የስነ ልቦና ጫና እያሳደሩ ነው።

ሚያዝያ ፲፪ (አስራ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ እንደዘገበው ግንቦት 12/2007 ዓ.ም በልደታ ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት 19ኛ ወንጀል ችሎት የቀረቡት በሃያዎቹ የእድሜ ክልል የሚገኙት ብርሃኑ ተክለያሬድ፣ እየሩሳሌም

ተስፋው ፣ ፍቅረማርያም አስማማው እና ደሴ ካህሳይ ናቸው።

ተከሳሾች “ኤርትራ ውስጥ መቀመጫውን ባደረገውና በሽብርተኝነት በተፈረጀው ግንቦት ሰባት ስር አባል ሆነው የሽብር ተልዕኮ ለመፈጸምና ለማስፈጸም ወስነው ከድርጅቱ ጋር ለመቀላቀል የኢትዮጵያንና የኤርትራን ድንበር አቋርጠው ሊሻገሩ ሲሉ

በቁጥጥር ስር መዋላቸውን” በዚህም የተነሳ በሽብርተኛ ድርጅት ውስጥ በአባልነት በመሳተፍ ወንጀል መከሰሳቸውን የክስ ቻርጁ እንደሚያመለክት ጋዜጣው ዘግቧል።

ተከሳሾቹ ጠበቃ ማቆምን በተመለከተ ከፍርድ ቤቱ ለተነሳላቸው ጥያቄ ሁሉም ተከሳሾች፣ ‹‹ከተያዝን ጊዜ ጀምሮ በደል እየደረሰብን ነው፤ ይህ የብቀላ ስራ ነው ብለን ስለምናምን እና በዚህ ሁኔታ ተከራክረን ፍትህ እናገኛለን ብለን ስለማናምን

የግልም ሆነ የመንግስት ጠበቃ አንፈልግም›› የሚል መልስ ሰጥተዋል፡፡

አንደኛ ተከሳሽ አቶ ብርሃኑ ተ/ያሬድ ለፍርድ ቤቱ ባሰማው አቤቱታ ‹‹የተከሰስኩበት ወንጀል በክሱ ላይ የተመለከተው ሆኖ እያለ በግድ ቀድሞ እሰራበት በነበረው ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ጓደኞቼ ላይ በተለይም በፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር ኢ/ር ይልቃል ጌትነት እና በህዝብ ግንኙነት ኃላፊው አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋዬ ላይ የግንቦት ሰባት አባል እንደሆኑ ተደርጎ መስክር እየተባልኩ ስቃይ እየደረሰብኝ ነው›› ብሎአል።

“ማንነትን መሰረት ያደረገ ስድብ እንደሚሰደብ፣ ጨለማ ቤት እንደሚታሰር እንዲሁም የተጠየቀውን ካልፈጸመ ወደማዕከላዊ ሊመልሱት እንደሚችሉ እንደሚዝቱበት ለፍርድ ቤቱ ተናግሯል።

ፍርድ ቤቱ ወጣት ብርሃኑ አለኝ ያለውን አቤቱታ በጽሑፍ እንዲያቀርብ በማሳሰብ፣ ተከሳሾች በክሱ ላይ መቃወሚያ ካላቸው ለመቀበል ለግንቦት 28/2007 ዓ.ም ተለዋጭ ቀጠሮ ሰጥቷል፡፡

ሶስቱ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ተከሳሾች ከዚህ ቀድም በተለያዩ ሰበቦች እየታሰሩ ከፍተኛ ስቃይ ሲደርስባቸው ቆይቷል።

የመኢአድ የህዝብ ግንኙነት ሃለፊ የነበረው ወጣት ተስፋሁን አለምነው በቅርቡ በትጥቅ ትግል የሚታገሉ ሃይሎችን መቀላቀሉ መዘገቡ ይታወሳል።

በአገር ውስጥ እየደረሰ ያለውን አፈና በመሸሽና ስርአቱን በሃይል ለመታገል በርካታ ወጣቶች የትጥቅ ትግል የሚያራምዱ ሃይሎችን እየተቀላቀሉ ነው።

የወጣቱ መፍለስ ያስደነገጠው የሚመስለው ገዢው ፓርቲ በድንበሮች አካባቢ ክትትሉን ቢያጠናክርም፣ ወጣቶቹ መንገዱን እያጠኑ በመቀላቀል ላይ መሆናቸውን የተቃዋሚ መሪዎች ይናገራሉ።

ዘ-ሐበሻ) የቢትዮጵያ ትያትር እና ፊልም ኢንዱስትሪ ውስጥ ትልቁን ድርሻ ያበረከተው አንጋፋው አርቲስት ሠይፈ አረአያ ከዚህ ዓለም በሞት ተለየ:: 

የዘ-ሐበሻ የአዲስ አበባ ዘጋቢዎች እንዳሉት ዝነኛው አርቲስት ለረጅም ጊዜ በህክምና ሲረዳ ቆይቶ በመጨረሻም ይህችን ምድር ተሰናብቷታል::

በብሄራዊ ትያትር እና በሌሎችም ትያትር ቤቶች በማገልገል በርከታ የመድረክ ሥራዎችን ያቀረበው ሰይፈ አረአያ በተለያዩ የአማርኛ ፊልሞችም ላይም ድንቅ ብቃቱን አሳይቷል::

ዘ-ሐበሻ በአርቲስቱ ሕልፈት የተሰማትን ጥልቅ ሃዘን እየገለጸች ለቤተሰቦቹ እና ለአድናቂዎቹ መጽናናትን እንመኛለን::

Source: Zehabesha

About 1,000 Ethiopian Israelis have flooded Tel Aviv on Monday night, demonstrating from Rothschild Blvd. to Ibn Gavriol St. to protest racism and discrimination.

“They say that there are rifts, they say there is no leadership – but each and every one of us has come here to make a change,” protest organizer Inbal Bogula shouted during the rally. “Let’s show the residents of Tel Aviv and the cops what noise we can make, we will walk here slowly so they can feel us, that each of us is a leader who came to make a change.”

Hundreds of police officers, some with riot gear and on horseback, have also flooded the area after violence tore through similar protests earlier this month. Police forces were concentrated in Rabin Square.

However, while both protestors and police noted that the demonstrations were pre-coordinated and not meant to be violent, they have begun to spiral once again out of control, according to Yediot Aharonot.

Despite the strict boundaries set by police, demonstrators have now begun walking in the middle of the road to Rabin Square, actively disrupting traffic and – in some cases – laying down in the middle of the street.

Of the 1,000 original protestors, about 300 are at the center of the ruckus, according to the daily, and police have lost control over the event in the intervening hours.

Earlier Monday night, some of the protestors attempted to block the Ayalon Highway once again, according toChannel 2, but were successfully deterred.

Despite comparisons with previous protests, however, some news outlets are now noting that the ruckus overall is more subdued – and estimate that it may be due, in part, to both the pre-coordination with police and the notable absence of former Yesh Atid MK Pnina Tamno-Shatta, who was present at a previous demonstration which saw the Ayalon shut down for several hours.

What went wrong?

When protests began, both police and protestors affirmed to the media that the demonstration would keep to strict boundaries and not interrupt the commute.

“This demonstration is planned and approved, subject to conditions that were set through dialogue and agreement with officials leading the protestand local authorities,” a spokeswoman for the Tel Aviv District Police, Chief Superintendent Hila Hamo, said to Walla! News earlier Monday night. “The District Police’s policy is to do everything possible in order to allow members of the Ethiopian community and their supporters toexpress their views freely. The police will be there to secure and protect the protesters, residents and the general public.”

However, the spokeswoman added that in light of recent events, the police are prepared and equipped ahead of the possibility of violence.

“Enforcement measures will be taken against wrongdoers immediately, with an emphasis on arrests and indictments in an accelerated procedure,” Hamo warned.

Several protestors noted to the news agency that they had no intent of becoming violent during the protest and that the demonstrations were more about keeping issues to the Ethiopian community in the public eye.

Two Israel Police officers brutally beat Ethiopian soldier Damas Pakada in Holon earlier this month, sparking a series of mass protests in major Israeli cities.

Israel has some 135,500 Jewish Israelis of Ethiopian descent, including more than 50,000 born inside the country, according to AFP.

Source- Israelnationalnews.com