By Wikipedia:-
Africa is the world's second-largest and second-most-populous continent. At about 30.2 million km² (11.7 million sq mi) including adjacent islands, it covers six percent of the Earth's total surface area and 20.4 percent of the total land area.[2] With 1.1 billion people as of 2013, it accounts for about 15% of the world's human population.[3] The continent is surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea to the north, both the Suez Canal and the Red Sea along the Sinai Peninsula to the northeast, the Indian Ocean to the southeast, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. The continent includes Madagascar and various archipelagoes. It has 54 fully recognized sovereign states ("countries"), nine territories and two de facto independent states with limited or no recognition.[4]
Africa's population is the youngest among all the continents; 50% of Africans are 19 years old or younger.[5]
Algeria is Africa's largest country by area, and Nigeria is the largest by population. Africa, particularly central
Eastern Africa, is widely accepted as the place of origin of humans and the Hominidae clade (great apes), as evidenced by the discovery of the earliest hominids and their ancestors, as well as later ones that have been dated to around seven million years ago, including Sahelanthropus tchadensis, Australopithecus africanus, A. afarensis, Homo erectus, H. habilis and H. ergaster – with the earliest Homo sapiens (modern human) found in Ethiopia being dated to circa 200,000 years ago.[6] Africa straddles the equator and encompasses numerous climate areas; it is the only continent to stretch from the northern temperate to southern temperate zones.[7]
        Etymology
Afri was a Latin name used to refer to the Carthaginians, who dwelt in North Africa in modern-day Tunisia. This name seems to have originally referred to a native Libyan tribe; however, see Terence#Biography for discussion. The name is usually connected with Phoenician afar, "dust", but a 1981 hypothesis[8] has asserted that it stems from the Berber ifri (plural ifran) "cave", in reference to cave dwellers.[9] The same word[9] may be found in the name of the Banu Ifran from Algeria and Tripolitania, a Berber tribe originally from Yafran (also known as Ifrane) in northwestern Libya.[10]
Under Roman rule, Carthage became the capital of Africa Province, which also included the coastal part of modern Libya.[11] The Latin suffix "-ica" can sometimes be used to denote a land (e.g., in Celtica from Celtae, as used by Julius Caesar). The later Muslim kingdom of Ifriqiya, modern-day Tunisia, also preserved a form of the name.
According to the ancient Romans, Africa lay to the west of Egypt, while "Asia" was used to refer to Anatolia and lands to the east. A definite line was drawn between the two continents by the geographer Ptolemy (85–165 AD), indicating Alexandria along the Prime Meridian and making the isthmus of Suez and the Red Sea the boundary between Asia and Africa. As Europeans came to understand the real extent of the continent, the idea of Africa expanded with their knowledge.
Other etymological hypotheses have been postulated for the ancient name "Africa":
  • The 1st-century Jewish historian Flavius Josephus (Ant. 1.15) asserted that it was named for Epher, grandson of Abraham according to Gen. 25:4, whose descendants, he claimed, had invaded Libya.
  • Isidore of Seville in Etymologiae XIV.5.2. suggests the Latin aprica "sunny".
  • Leo Africanus (1488–1554) proposed the Greek aphrike (Αφρική), "without cold". Africanus suggested that the Greek phrike (φρίκη, "cold and horror"), combined with the privative prefix "a-", indicated a land free of cold and horror.[12]
  • Massey, in 1881, states that Africa is derived from the Egyptian af-rui-ka, "to turn toward the opening of the Ka." The Ka is the energetic double of every person and "opening of the Ka" refers to a womb or birthplace. Africa would be, for the Egyptians, "the birthplace."[13]
  • Yet another hypothesis was proposed by Michèle Fruyt,[14] linking the Latin word with africus "south wind", which would be of Umbrian origin and mean originally "rainy wind".
  • Africa's name is derived from an ancient area in modern day Tunisia known as Ifriqiya or sunny place, in Tamazight.[citation needed]
               History 
Main article: History of Africa

Prehistory

Africa is considered by most paleoanthropologists to be the oldest inhabited territory on Earth, with the human species originating from the continent.[15][16] During the middle of the 20th century, anthropologists fossils and evidence of human occupation perhaps as early as 7 million years ago. Fossil remains of several species of early apelike humans thought to have evolved into modern man, such as Australopithecus afarensis (radiometrically dated to approximately 3.9–3.0 million years BC),[17] Paranthropus boisei (c. 2.3–1.4 million years BC)[18] and Homo ergaster (c. 1.9 million–600,000 years BC) have been discovered.[2]
Lucy, an Australopithecus afarensis skeleton discovered on November 24, 1974, in the Awash Valley of Ethiopia's Afar Depression
discovered many
After the evolution of homo sapiens sapiens approximately 150,000 to 100,000 years ago in Africa, the continent was mainly populated by groups of hunter-gatherers.[19][20][21] These first modern humans left Africa and populated the rest of the globe during the Out of Africa migration dated to approximately 50,000 years ago, exiting the continent either across Bab-el-Mandeb over the Red Sea,.[22][23] the Strait of Gibraltar in Morocco,[24] or the Isthmus of Suez in Egypt.[25]
Other migrations of these modern humans within the African continent have been dated to that time, with evidence of early human settlement found in Southern Africa, Southeast Africa, North Africa and the Sahara.[26]
The size of the Sahara has historically been extremely variable, with its area rapidly fluctuating and at times disappearing depending on global climactic conditions.[27] At the end of the Ice ages, estimated to have been around 10,500 BC, the Sahara had again become a green fertile valley, and its African populations returned from the interior and coastal highlands in Sub-Saharan Africa, with rock art paintings depicting a fertile Sahara and large populations discovered in Tassili n'Ajjer dating back perhaps 10 millennia.[28] However, the warming and drying climate meant that by 5000 BC, the Sahara region was becoming increasingly dry and hostile. Around 3500 B.C., due to a tilt in the earth's orbit, the Sahara experienced a period of rapid desertification.[29] The population trekked out of the Sahara region towards the Nile Valley below the Second Cataract where they made permanent or semi-permanent settlements. A major climatic recession occurred, lessening the heavy and persistent rains in Central and Eastern Africa. Since this time, dry conditions have prevailed in Eastern Africa and, increasingly during the last 200 years, in Ethiopia.
The domestication of cattle in Africa preceded agriculture and seems to have existed alongside hunter-gatherer cultures. It is speculated that by 6000 BC, cattle were already domesticated in North Africa.[30] In the Sahara-Nile complex, people domesticated many animals, including the donkey and a small screw-horned goat which was common from Algeria to Nubia. In the year 4000 BC, the climate of the Sahara started to become drier at an exceedingly fast pace.[31] This climate change caused lakes and rivers to shrink significantly and caused increasing desertification. This, in turn, decreased the amount of land conducive to settlements and helped to cause migrations of farming communities to the more tropical climate of West Africa.[31]
By the first millennium BC, ironworking had been introduced in Northern Africa and quickly spread across the Sahara into the northern parts of sub-Saharan Africa,[32] and by 500 BC, metalworking began to become commonplace in West Africa. Ironworking was fully established by roughly 500 BC in many areas of East and West Africa, although other regions didn't begin ironworking until the early centuries AD. Copper objects from Egypt, North Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia dating from around 500 BC have been excavated in West Africa, suggesting that Trans-Saharan trade networks had been established by this date.[31]

Early civilizations


The origins and spread of the Bantu languages c. 1000 BC to c. 500 AD.
At about 3300 BC, the historical record opens in Northern Africa with the rise of literacy in the Pharaonic civilization of Ancient Egypt.[33] One of the world's earliest and longest-lasting civilizations, the Egyptian state continued, with varying levels of influence over other areas, until 343 BC.[34][35] Egyptian influence reached deep into modern-day Libya, north to Crete[36] and Canaan,[citation needed] and south to the kingdoms of Aksum[citation needed] and Nubia.[citation needed]
An independent center of civilization with trading links to Phoenicia was established by Phoenicians from Tyre on the north-west African coast at Carthage.[37][38][39]
European exploration of Africa began with Ancient Greeks and Romans. In 332 BC, Alexander the Great was welcomed as a liberator in Persian-occupied Egypt. He founded Alexandria in Egypt, which would become the prosperous capital of the Ptolemaic dynasty after his death.[40]
Colossal statues of Ramesses II at Abu Simbel, Egypt, date from around 1400 BC.

Following the conquest of North Africa's Mediterranean coastline by the Roman Empire, the area was integrated economically and culturally into the Roman system. Roman settlement occurred in modern Tunisia and elsewhere along the coast. The first Roman emperor native to North Africa was Septimius Severus, born in Leptis Magna in present-day Libya—his mother was of Italian Roman extract and his father was Punic, a genetic mix of the Phoenicians and Berber.[41]
Christianity spread across these areas at an early date, from Judaea via Egypt and beyond the borders of the Roman world into Nubia;[42] by AD 340 at the latest, it had become the state religion of the Aksumite Empire. Syro-Greek missionaries, who arrived by way of the Red Sea, were responsible for this theological development.[43]
In the early 7th century, the newly formed Arabian Islamic Caliphate expanded into Egypt, and then into North Africa. In a short while, the local Berber elite had been integrated into Muslim Arab tribes. When the Umayyad capital Damascus fell in the 8th century, the Islamic center of the Mediterranean shifted from Syria to Qayrawan in North Africa. Islamic North Africa had become diverse, and a hub for mystics, scholars, jurists and philosophers. During the above-mentioned period, Islam spread to sub-Saharan Africa, mainly through trade routes and migration.[44]

9th to 18th centuries

9th-century bronzes from the Igbo town of Igbo-Ukwu, now at the British Museum[45]
Pre-colonial Africa possessed perhaps as many as 10,000 different states and polities[46] characterized by many different sorts of political organization and rule. These included small family groups of hunter-gatherers such as the San people of southern Africa; larger, more structured groups such as the family clan groupings of the Bantu-speaking people of central and southern Africa; heavily structured clan groups in the Horn of Africa; the large Sahelian kingdoms; and autonomous city-states and kingdoms such as those of the Akan; Edo people, Yoruba and Igbo people (also misspelled as Ibo) in West Africa; and the Swahili coastal trading towns of Southeast Africa.
By the 9th century, a string of dynastic states, including the earliest Hausa states, stretched across the sub-saharan savannah from the western regions to central Sudan. The most powerful of these states were Ghana, Gao, and the Kanem-Bornu Empire. Ghana declined in the 11th century, but was succeeded by the Mali Empire which consolidated much of western Sudan in the 13th century. Kanem accepted Islam in the 11th century.
African horseman of Baguirmi in full padded armour suit
In the forested regions of the West African coast, independent kingdoms grew up with little influence from the Muslim north. The Kingdom of Nri of the Igbo was established around the 9th century and was one of the first. It is also one of the oldest kingdoms in modern day Nigeria and was ruled by the Eze Nri. The Nri kingdom is famous for its elaborate bronzes, found at the town of Igbo-Ukwu. The bronzes have been dated from as far back as the 9th century.[47]
 The Ife, historically the first of these Yoruba city-states or kingdoms, established government under a priestly oba ('king' or 'ruler' in the Yoruba language), called the Ooni of Ife. Ife was noted as a major religious and cultural center in Africa, and for its unique naturalistic tradition of bronze sculpture. The Ife model of government was adapted at Oyo, where its obas or kings, called the Alaafins of Oyo, once controlled a large number of other Yoruba and non-Yoruba city-states and kingdoms; the Fon Kingdom of Dahomey was one of the non-Yoruba domains under Oyo control.
Ashanti yam ceremony, 19th century by Thomas E. Bowdich
The Almoravids were a Berber dynasty from the Sahara that spread over a wide area of northwestern Africa and the Iberian peninsula during the 11th century.[48] The Banu Hilal and Banu Ma'qil were a collection of Arab Bedouin tribes from the Arabian Peninsula who migrated westwards via Egypt between the 11th and 13th centuries. Their migration resulted in the fusion of the Arabs and Berbers, where the locals were Arabized,[49] and Arab culture absorbed elements of the local culture, under the unifying framework of Islam.[50]
Ruins of Great Zimbabwe (11th to 15th centuries)
Following the breakup of Mali, a local leader named Sonni Ali (1464–1492) founded the Songhai Empire in the region of middle Niger and the western Sudan and took control of the trans-Saharan trade. Sonni Ali seized Timbuktu in 1468 and Jenne in 1473, building his regime on trade revenues and the cooperation of Askia Mohammad I (1493–1528) made Islam the official religion, built mosques, and brought to Gao Muslim scholars, including al-Maghili (d.1504), the founder of an important tradition of Sudanic African Muslim scholarship.[51] By the 11th century, some Hausa states – such as Kano, jigawa, Katsina, and Gobir – had developed into walled towns engaging in trade, servicing caravans, and the manufacture of goods. Until the 15th century, these small states were on the periphery of the major Sudanic empires of the era, paying tribute to Songhai to the west and Kanem-Borno to the east.

Height of slave trade

Slavery had long been practiced in Africa.[52][53] Between the 7th and 20th centuries, Arab slave trade (also known as slavery in the East) took 18 million slaves from Africa via trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean routes. Between the 15th and the 19th centuries (500 years), the Atlantic slave trade took an estimated 7–12 million slaves to the New World.[54][55][56] More than 1 million Europeans were captured by Barbary pirates and sold as slaves in North Africa between the 16th and 19th centuries.[57]
Arab–Swahili slave traders and their captives along the Ruvuma River (in today's Tanzania and Mozambique) as witnessed by David Livingstone.

In West Africa, the decline of the Atlantic slave trade in the 1820s caused dramatic economic shifts in local polities. The gradual decline of slave-trading, prompted by a lack of demand for slaves in the New World, increasing anti-slavery legislation in Europe and America, and the British Royal Navy's increasing presence off the West African coast, obliged African states to adopt new economies. Between 1808 and 1860, the British West Africa Squadron seized approximately 1,600 slave ships and freed 150,000 Africans who were aboard.[58]

AA slave being inspected, from Captain Canot; or, Twenty Years of an African Slaver.
Action was also taken against African leaders who refused to agree to Lagos", deposed in 1851. Anti-slavery treaties were signed with over 50 African rulers.[59] The largest powers of West Africa (the Asante Confederacy, the Kingdom of Dahomey, and the Oyo Empire) adopted different ways of adapting to the shift. Asante and Dahomey concentrated on the development of "legitimate commerce" in the form of palm oil, cocoa, timber and gold, forming the bedrock of West Africa's modern export trade. The Oyo Empire, unable to adapt, collapsed into civil wars.[60]

Colonialism and the "Scramble for Africa"

Main article: Colonization of Africa
Further information: Scramble for Africa
In the late 19th century, the European imperial powers engaged in a major territorial scramble and occupied most of the continent, creating many colonial territories, and leaving only two fully independent states: Ethiopia (known to Europeans as "Abyssinia"), and Liberia. Egypt and Sudan were never formally until 1922.
incorporated into any European colonial empire; however, after the British occupation of 1882, Egypt was effectively under British administration

Berlin Conference

The Berlin Conference held in 1884–85 was an important event in the political future of African ethnic groups. It was convened by King Leopold II of Belgium, and attended by the European powers that laid claim to African territories. It sought to bring an end to the Scramble for Africa by European powers by agreeing on political division and spheres of influence. They set up the political divisions of the continent, by spheres of interest, that exist in Africa today.

Independence struggles

Imperial rule by Europeans would continue until after the conclusion of World War II, when almost all remaining colonial territories gradually obtained formal independence. Independence movements in Africa gained momentum following World War II, which left the major European powers weakened. In 1951, Libya, a former Italian colony, gained independence. In 1956, Tunisia and Morocco won their independence from France.[61] Ghana followed suit the next year (March 1957),[62] becoming the first of the sub-Saharan colonies to be freed. Most of the rest of the continent became independent over the next decade.
Portugal's overseas presence in Sub-Saharan Africa (most notably in Angola, Cape Verde, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and São Tomé and Príncipe) lasted from the 16th century to 1975, after the Estado Novo regime was overthrown in a military coup in Lisbon. Rhodesia unilaterally declared independence from the United Kingdom in 1965, under the white minority government of Ian Smith, but was not internationally recognized as an independent state (as Zimbabwe) until 1980, when black nationalists gained power after a bitter guerrilla war. Although South Africa was one of the first African countries to gain independence, the state remained under the control of the country's white minority through a system of racial segregation known as apartheid until 1994.

Post-colonial Africa

Today, Africa contains 54 sovereign countries, most of which have borders that were drawn during the era of European colonialism. Since colonialism, African states have frequently been hampered by instability, corruption, violence, and authoritarianism. The vast majority of African states are republics that operate presidential system of rule. However, few of them have been able to sustain democratic governments on a permanent basis, and many have instead cycled through a series of coups, producing military dictatorships.
Mobutu Sese Seko, Zaire's longtime dictator, embezzled over $5 billion from his country.
Great instability was mainly the result of marginalization of ethnic groups, and graft under these leaders. For political gain, many leaders fanned ethnic conflicts, some of which had been exacerbated, or even created, by colonial rule. In many countries, the military was perceived as being the only group that could effectively maintain order, and it ruled many nations in Africa during the 1970s and early 1980s. During the period from the early 1960s to the late 1980s, Africa had more than 70 coups and 13 presidential assassinations. Border and territorial disputes were also common, with the European-imposed borders of many nations being widely contested through armed conflicts.
Cold War conflicts between the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as the policies of the International Monetary Fund,[citation needed] also played a role in instability. When a country became independent for the first time, it was often expected to align with one of the two superpowers. Many countries in Northern Africa received Soviet military aid, while many in Central and Southern Africa were supported by the United States, France or both. The 1970s saw an escalation, as newly independent Angola and Mozambique aligned themselves with the Soviet Union, and the West and South Africa sought to contain Soviet influence by funding insurgency movements. There was a major famine in Ethiopia, when hundreds of thousands of people starved. Some claimed that Marxist/Soviet policies made the situation worse.[63][64][65] The most devastating military conflict in modern independent Africa has been the Second Congo War; this conflict and its aftermath has killed an estimated 5.5 million people.[66] Since 2003 there has been an ongoing conflict in Darfur which has become a humanitarian disaster. Another notable tragic event is the 1994 Rwandan Genocide in which an estimated 800 000 people were murdered. AIDS in post-colonial Africa has also been a prevalent issue.
In the 21st century, however, the number of armed conflicts in Africa has steadily declined. For instance, the civil war in Angola came to an end in 2002 after nearly 30 years. This has coincided with many countries abandoning communist style command economies and opening up for market reforms. The improved stability and economic reforms have led to a great increase in foreign investment into many African nations, mainly from China,[67] which has spurred quick economic growth in many countries, seemingly ending decades of stagnation and decline. Several African economies are among the world's fasted growing as of 2011. A significant part of this growth can also be attributed to the facilitated diffusion of information technologies and specifically the mobile telephone.[68]
 ጸሓፊ፡-አፈንዲ ሙተቂ:-
ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንን በአካል ያየሁት ሁለት ጊዜ ያህል ብቻ ነው፡፡ በነዚህም ጊዜያት ከመጨባበጥ በቀር ሌላ ነገር ማውጋት አልቻልንም፡፡ ብንጨዋወት እንኳ በፖለቲካ አመለካከታችን የምንግባባ አይመስለኝም፡፡ ለምሳሌ እሳቸው “ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ነገዶችና ጎሳዎች እንጂ ብሄሮችና ብሄረሰቦች የሉም፤ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው አንድ ብሄር ብቻ
ነው” ነው የሚሉት፡፡ እኔ ግን “በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ብዙ ብሄሮችና ብሄረሰቦች አሉ፤ ነገድና ጎሳ የብሄር ቅርንጫፎች እንጂ ራሳቸውን የቻሉ ህዝቦች አይደሉም” ነው የምለው፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን “የብሄረሰቦችን መብት ለማስከበር በብሄር መደራጀቱ ለሀገር አንድነት አደጋ አለው” የሚል እምነት አላቸው፡፡ እኔ ግን “ለመጥፎ ዓላማ እስካልሆነ ድረስ በብሄር መደራጀቱ መጥፎ አይደለም” የሚል እምነት አለኝ፡፡ ሌላም ብዙ ልዩነት ማስቆጠር ይቻላል፡፡
ይሁንና በፖለቲካ እንዲህ የተለየኋቸውን ምሁር ለአንድም ቀን እንደ ጠላት አይቼአቸው አላውቅም፡፡ በተቃራኒው ህሊናን በሚያምራምሩ ብዙ ባህሪያቶቻቸው በጣም ያስቀኑኛል፡፡ “እኛስ መቼ ነው እንደርሳቸው ሆነን ለሀገራችንና ለህዝባችን ክብር የምንቆረቆረው” እላለሁ፡፡ ከዚህ ፈቅ የሚሉት አንዳንድ አድራጎታቸው ግን በነቢያትና በቅዱሳን ካልሆነ በቀር ከኛ ዘመን ሰው የሚጠበቁ አይደሉም፡፡

በእርግጥ እላችኋለሁ! ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን በብዙ አጋጣሚዎች “ሰው ማለት… ሰው የሚሆን ነው ሰው የጠፋ ዕለት” የተሰኘውን ብሂል በተግባር ከውነው ያሳዩን ብሄራዊ ጀግና ናቸው፡፡ እኝህ ታላቅ ሰው ሀገራችን ሰው በምትፈልግበት ልዩ ልዩ አጋጣሚዎች በልዩ ድፍረትና ልበ ሙሉነት በከወኗቸው ድርጊቶቻቸው የህዝብ ልጅ መሆናቸውን አስመስክረዋል፡፡
ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ለብቻቸው ሆነው የፈጸሟቸውን በርካታ ገድሎች መዘርዘር እንችላለን፡፡ ለዛሬው ግን በጣም ጥቂቶቹን ብቻ እንዲህ እንዘክርላቸዋለን፡፡
=== የትግራይና ድርቅና ረሃብ===
ብዙዎቻችን በ1965 ስለተከሰተው የወሎ ረሃብ በቂ መረጃ አለን፡፡ ከዚያ አስቀድሞ በ1950ዎቹ ስለተከሰተው የትግራይ ረሃብ ግን ብዙም ሲጻፍ አላነበብኩም፡፡ ችግሩ የተከሰተው የያኔው ረሃብ እንደ 1965ቱ ረሃብ በቂ የሚዲያ ሽፋን ባለማግኘቱ ይመስለኛል፡፡
በርግጥም ያ ረሃብ ከፍተኛ እልቂት የታየበት ነበር፡፡ የንጉሡ መንግሥት የረሃቡ ወሬ ታፍኖ እንዲቀር በማድረጉ በልዮ ልዩ ክፍለ ሀገራት የሚኖረው ኢትዮጵያዊ ለትግራይ ወገኑ ሊደርስለት አልቻለም፡፡ መኳንንቱና መሳፍንቱ ከድሮም ጀምሮ የደሃው ህይወት ስለማያሳስባቸው የረሃቡን ጉዳይ ከቁብ አልቆጠሩትም፡፡ በዚያ ወቅት ድምጹን ያሰማው ብቸኛው ኢትዮጵያዊ መስፍን ወልደማሪያም ነበር፡፡
ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን የረሃቡን ወሬ የሰሙት ከተማሪዎቻቸው ነው፡፡ ረሀብ በትግራይ መኖሩ ሲነገራቸው ለንጉሡ መንግሥት ባለስጣናት አቤት አሉ፡፡ ሆኖም መንግሥቱ ለወሬው ደንታ አልነበረውም፡፡ በመሆኑም ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን የነበራቸው ብቸኛ አማራጭ ከተማሪዎቻቸው ጋር እየዞሩ ከህዝቡ እርዳታ መለመን ነው፡፡ በዚህም የተፈለገውን ያህል ውጤት ለማግኘት ባይችሉም የተወሰኑ ዜጎቻችንን ህይወት ለመታደግ በቅተዋል፡፡ በዚህም የተነሳ በወቅቱ ድምጻቸውን ያሰሙ ብቸኛው ሰው ሆነው በታሪክ ተመዝግበዋል፡፡
===የአጣሪ ኮሚሽን===
የቀዳማዊ ሃይለ ሥላሤ መንግሥት ሲንኮታኮት በርካታ ባለስልጣናት በስልጣናቸው አላግባብ በልጽገዋል በሚል ታስረው ነበር፡፡ የነዚያን ባልስጣናት ጉዳይ አይቶ ለፍርድ የሚያቀርብ አጣሪ ኮሚሽንም ተቋቁሞ ነበር፡፡ የዚያ ኮሚሽን ሊቀመንበር ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ነበሩ፡፡
አጣሪ ኮሚሽኑ ምርመራውን በከፍተኛ ሃላፊነትና በሰከነ መንፈስ ማካሄድ ጀመረ፡፡ ይሁንና የኮሚሽኑ አካሄድ ተናዳፊዎቹን የደርግ መኮንኖች ሊያረካ አልቻለም፡፡ በመሆኑም የደርጉ ም/ሊቀመንበር የነበረው ሻለቃ መንግሥቱ ኃይለማሪያም በኮሚሽኑ ስራ ጣልቃ ገብቶ ማወክ ጀመረ፡፡ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንንም “ቶሎ ቶሎ መታ አድርግና ጨርስ እንጂ! እስከመቼ ነው እነዚህን አሳማ ባለስልጣናት የምንቀልበው” አላቸው፡፡ ይሁንና ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ለጓድ መንጌ ጫና አልተበገሩም፡፡ እንዲህ የሚል የድፍረት መልስ ሰጡት፡፡
“ጓድ ሊቀመንበር! የሀገር መሪ ለታሪክ ጭምር ማሰብ አለበት፡፡ ታሪክ ማለት ዛሬ ስለናንተ በአዲስ ዘመን ጋዜጣ የሚጻፈው እንዳይመስልዎት፡፡ ታሪክ ጊዜው ሲደርስ እውነቱ ከሐሰቱ ተጣርቶ የሚቀረው ቅሪት ነው”
ሻለቃ መንግሥቱ በፕሮፌሰር መስፍን አነጋገር ተናደደ፡፡ ወዲያኑ አጣሪ ኮሚሽኑን በመበተን በባለስልጣናቱ ላይ የሞት እርምጃ እንዲወሰድ አደረገ፡፡
=== የብሄራዊ እርቅ ጥያቄ===
ደርግ ከሻዕቢያና ከህወሐት ጋር የሚያደርገው ጦርነት እየተጠናከረ በመጣበት ወቅት መላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ በጭንቀት ውስጥ ወደቀ፡፡ ብዙዎች “ሀገራችን እንደ ሶማሊያና ላይቤሪያ ልትሆን ነው” በማለት ተወጠሩ፡፡ ይሁንና አንድም ሰው ጦርነቱን ለማስቆም ይበጃል ያለውን ሀሳብ ለመሰንዘር አልቻለም፡፡ በተለይም የጊዜው መሪ ፕሬዚዳንት መንግሥቱ ኃይለማሪያም የርሳቸውን ሃሳብ የሚጻረረውን ሁሉ ያጠፋሉ እየተባለ ይነገር ስለነበር ሁሉም ኢትዮጰያዊ በቤቱ ከትቶ ፈጣሪውን መማጸኑን ነው የመረጠው፡፡
አንድ ሰው ግን አላስቻለውም፡፡ “ሀገሬ በጦርነት አዙሪት ከምትጠፋ የመሰለኝን ሃሳብ ልሰንዝርና የሚሆነውን ልጠብቅ” በማለት የመሰለውን እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ተነሳ፡፡ “ጦርነቱን ለማቆም ብቸኛው መፍትሔ ብሄራዊ እርቅና ማድረግና የሽማግሌዎች ባለአደራ መንግሥት ማቋቋም ነው” በማለት ለፕሬዚዳንቱ ግልጽ ደብዳቤ ጻፈ፡፡ በሚቋቋመው መንግሥት አወቃቀር ላይ በሂልተን ሆቴል ማብራሪያ ሰጠ፡፡
ይሁን እንጂ ፕሬዚዳንት መንግሥቱ “የባልና የሚስት ጥል እንጂ የኢትዮጵያ ጉዳይ በሽማግሌ አይፈታም” በማለት የሰላም ፎርሙላውን አጣጣሉት፡፡ በታሪክ አጋጣሚ የተሰጣቸውን የመጨረሻ እድል አበላሹት፡፡ በመሆኑም መንጌ በወሰዱት የጀብደኝት እርምጃ ለዘልዓለሙ የታሪክ ተወቃሽ ሆነው ቀሩ፡፡ የሰላም ፎርሙላውን ያቀረበው ሰውዬ ግን በታሪክ መዝገብ ስሙን በደማቁ አስጻፈ፡፡
እንግዲህ ያ ሰውዬ ማለት ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወልደማሪያም ናቸው፡፡ ሰው በጠፋ እለት ሰው ሆነው የተገኙ ደፋር ሰው!!
===የለንደን ኮንፈረንስ===
በግንቦት ወር 1983 የተካሄደው የለንደን ኮንፈረንስ አዲስ የፖለቲካ አቅጣጫ ከአዲስ አዙሪት ጋር ሊያመጣ እንደሚችል ብዙዎች አስቀድመው ገምተዋል፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ የሀገሬ ጉዳይ ያገባኛል በማለት በኮንፈረሱ ቦታ የተገኘ ሰው አልነበረም፡፡ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ግን ስምንት ያህል ምሁራንን በማስተባበር ከኮንፈረንሱ ቦታ ሄደው ድምጻቸውን አሰምተዋል፡፡ በተለይም “የኢትዮጵያና ኤርትራ ፍቺ የሁለቱን ህዝቦች ፍላጎት ያገናዘበ ካልሆነ በስተቀር በሁለቱ ህዝቦች መካከል መቃቃርን ይፈጥራል” በማለት ቃላቸውን ሰጥተዋል፡፡ ያ አነጋገር ከሰባት ዓመታት በኋላ እውነት ሆኖ ብዙዎችን አስደንቋል፡፡
በዚያ ኮንፈረንስ ላይ በጣም አስገራሚ ሆኖ የተገኘው ሌላኛው ነገር ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ከሻዕቢያው ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ ጋር የነበራቸው ቆይታ ነው፡፡ ከኢሳያስ ጋር እንደ ወንድማማች ሆነው ሲጨዋወቱ ያዩዋቸው ሰዎች “ሁለቱ ሰዎች ከዚያ በፊት ይተዋወቁ ነበር እንዴ?” የሚል ጥያቄ አጭረዋል፡፡ ከአቶ ኢሳያስ ጋር ያወሩትን ያህል ከአቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ጋር አለመቀራረባቸውም ሌላኛው አስገራሚ ነገር ሆኖ ተመዝግቧል፡፡
=== የሰብዓዊ መብት ጉባኤ===
በሰኔ 1983 የተመሰረተው የሽግግር መንግሥት ያጸደቀው ቻርተር በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሃሳብና የመደራጀት ነጻነት መፈቀዱን አብስሮ ነበር፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ከዚያ በፊት ባልታየ መልኩ እንደ አሸን ፈሉ፡፡ ህብረ ብሄራዊና ሀገር አቀፍ ፓርቲዎች ተመሰረቱ፡፡ በአንጻሩ ደግሞ “ሰብዒ መብት” የሚል ለብዙዎች እንግዳ የሆነ ጽንሰ-ሃሳብ በሚዲያ መንሸራሸር ጀመረ፡፡
አብዛኛው ምሁር ከአንዱ የፖለቲካ ቡድን ጋር ራሱን አቆላለፈ፡፡ የዘመኑ እንግዳ ደራሽ የሆነውን የሰብዓዊ መብት ጽንሰ-ሃሳብ የሚያብራራ ሰው ግን ጠፋ፡፡ በዚህ መሀል ነው ታላቁ ኢትዮጵያዊ ምሁር ብዙዎች የረሱትን የሰብዓዊ መብት አጀንዳ በማንሳት ለህዝቡ ግንዛቤ ለማስጨበጥና የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን በማስረጃ ለመሞገት የተነሱት፡፡ እርሳቸው ያቋቋሙት ድርጅትም ባለፉት ሀያ ሁለት ዓመታት የሰፊው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጠበቃ በመሆን ያሳለፈው ውጣ ውረድ እንዲህ በቀላሉ የሚገለጽ አይደለም፡፡
ስለ ሰብዓዊ መብትና መከራከርና በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ ግንዛቤ ማስጨበጥ በዋነኛነት በመንግሥት መፈጸም የነበረበት ስራ ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን በሰሩት ስራ መንግሥት ከፍተኛ ሽልማት ሊያበረክትላቸው ይገባ ነበር፡፡ ይሁንና የተደረገው የዚህ ተቃራኒ ነው፡፡ የመንግሥት ካድሬዎች ከኢትዮጵያዊ ባህልና ስነ-ምግባር ውጪ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንን በአጸያፊ ስድቦች ሲያብጠለጥሏቸው ነው የሰነበቱት፡፡ እርሳቸው ግን ስድቡንም ሆነ እስሩን ችለው ለህዝቡ መከራከራቸውን ቀጥለዋል፡፡ ለህዝባቸው ሲሉ ሁሉንም የተጋፈጡ ጀግና ምሁር!
===የኤርትራዊያን መባረር===
የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ጦርነት በተከሰተበት ወቅት “የዐይናቸው ቀለም አላማረንም” የሚል ያልተለመደ ምክንያት እየተሰጠ በርካታ ኤርትራዊያን (በመቶ ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ) ተባረዋል፡፡ ታዲያ የመንግሥት እርምጃ ከተቃዋሚዎችም ሆነ ከሌሎች ወገኖች ብዙም ተቃውሞ አልገጠመውም፡፡ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ግን አላስቻላቸውም፡፡ “ሻዕቢያ ወረረን ተብሎ ኤርትራዊያንን በጅምላ ማባረር ታሪካዊ ስህተት መፈጸም ነው፤ ሰዎቹ ከተባረሩም እንኳ የሰብዓዊ መብታቸውን በማይነካ መልኩ መሆን አለበት” በማለት ድምጻቸውን አሰሙ፡፡ ታዲያ በዚያን ጊዜ የተፈጸመው ነገር እስከ አሁን ድረስ ለብዙዎች እንግዳ ነው፡፡ ለወትሮው ከፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ጋር በሃሳብ የሚጣጣሙት የግል ጋዜጦችም እንኳ በእርሳቸው ላይ ጀርባቸውን አዙረው የሚበቃቸውን ያህል አብጠለጠሏቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ጭራሽ ከሻዕቢያ ጉቦ የተቀበሉ አስመሰሏቸው፡፡
ጥቂት ወራት አለፉ፡፡ ኤርትራዊያንን በጅምላ ማባረር ስህተት መሆኑን ሁሉም አመነ፡፡ መንግሥት ካባረራቸው መካከል ጥቂት የማይባሉት እንደገና ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲመለሱ ተደረጉ፡፡ በ1997 እንዲያውም “ኖርማላይዜሽን” የሚል እቅድ በተግባር ላይ እንዲውል ተደረገና “በጣም ድንቅ ሃሳብ” ተብሎ ተሞካሸ፡፡ ይሁንና ሁሉንም አስቀድመው የተናገሩት ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ነበሩ፡፡ ሌሎች የርሳቸውን ሃሳብ ቀምተው ተወደሱበት፡፡ እንዲህ ነች የኛ ኢትዮጵያ!
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ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ማለት በዚህች አጭር ጽሑፍ የሚገለጹ ሰው አይደሉም፡፡ ብዙ ድርሳናትን የሚያስጽፉ ታላቅ ሰው ናቸው፡፡ እኝህ ደፋርና ለህሊናቸው ታማኝ የሆኑ ምሁር በቅርቡ ሰማኒያ ሁለተኛ ዓመታቸውን ያከብራሉ፡፡ ታዲያ አንድ የሚያሳዝነኝ ነገር አለ፡፡ ብዙዎች ግለ-ታሪካቸውን እየጻፉ የህይወት ልምዳቸውን በጥቂቱ እንድንመለከት እያደረጉን ነው፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን እጅግ ዘግይተዋል፡፡ የ20ኛውን ክፍለ ዘመን ኢትዮጵያን ጥልፍልፍ የታሪክ ጉዞ ሊያስተምሩን የሚችሉት ሰው ዝም ብለውናል፡፡
እነ ልደቱ አያሌውን የመሳሰሉ ትንንሽ ፖለቲከኞች እንኳ “ታሪኬን እወቁልኝ” እያሉ በሚነዘንዙበት ዘመን መስፍንን የመሰለ “አንድ ለእናቱ” የሆነ ሰው ዝም ማለቱ አግባብ አይመስለንም፡፡ ስለዚህ እኝህ የሀገር ቅርስ የሆኑ ታላቅ ሰው በቀሪው የህይወት ዘመናቸው በዚህ ላይ ሊያተኩሩ ይገባል እላለሁ፡፡
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አፈንዲ ሙተቂ
መጋቢት 6/2006
ሸገር -አዲስ አበባ

This short article addresses the issue of how Ethiopia's social and political problems are sometimes baseless, or based on minor misunderstandings. The Amharic section of the Voice of America (VOA) included a three-part discussion on the history of Ethiopia between Dr. Beyana Soba, a lawyer; Dr. Berhanu Mengist, a
professor of conflict resolutions; and myself, a historian. A historian discussing history with non-historians might seem strange, but the end-result shows that it was actually not. Dr. Beyana represented people who believe that Ethiopian history, as they read it, neither includes them nor respects their human dignity. Dr. Berhanu's place is obvious, as the views of Dr. Beyana and me occasionally conflict. I am satisfied that the discussion took place in this setting because I could hear the complaints of the so-called oppressed people from the source and rebut them. I thank Weyzero Tizzita for conducting the discussions and the VOA for broadcasting them [The discussions are on Ethiopia.org].
The purpose of this note is not to accuse anyone of distorting facts and thereby spoil the friendly atmosphere that prevailed during the discussion. The first misunderstanding came from the reading of the first article of the 1931 Ethiopian Constitution. It reads as follows:

The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety, is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. All the natives of Ethiopia, subjects of the Empire, form together the Ethiopian Empire.
Google will help find the constitution on the Internet if one searches for it under The Ethiopian Constitution of 1931 and reads the quotation him/herself. Some of the comments I read about it show how much it has been misunderstood. As you hear it in the recorded copy of the discussion, Dr. Beyana repeats the same misunderstanding. He believes and expands his belief, lauding the Constitution's honesty in admitting the truth, that for the Ethiopian government, the Ethiopian people are of two classes, natives and subjects. He did not identify by name during the discussion who are the natives and who are the subjects, probably because no one asked him. But it is clear from his description that the natives and the subjects are, respectively, the conquerorsand the vanquished "during Menelik's wars of expansion."
In my attempt to explain that the word subject refers to native in a different way, I even mentioned that English grammarians call this kind of sentence structure "noun in apposition," where the latter (subject) emphasizes the former (native) in a different use of the word, like an adjective. If the words represented two different classes of people, they would have been conjoined with the word and, as in natives and subjects. But the phrasing does not put it so; and no government would ever divide its people into classes.
As I said, this misunderstanding comes from the fact that our knowledge of the English language is weak. Look how the word "subject" is used in the first sentence to describe the Ethiopian territory: "The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety, is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. Here "subject" does not exclude the territories that Menelik inherited. In fact, the 1955 constitution revises the article this way:

All Ethiopian subjects, whether living within or without the Empire, constitute the Ethiopian people.
The revision is not to call us all vanquished people by calling us all subjects but to avoid the possible misunderstanding of the word native in the plural form as a collection of tribes.

The question that Ethiopian history neither includes the people of the South nor respects their human dignity was discussed as much as time allowed. As the recording shows, we started far apart but ended up agreeing that inclusive historical events quoted from the sources during the discussion need to be included in the school curriculums. This is a noble outcome of the discussion and what we should strive to do if we ever survive the TPLF's onslaught of the country and its history. In a forthcoming Amharic article I will briefly expand the quoted historical sources on the participation of the Oromo in the history of Ethiopia.
    Source: Ethiomedia


 Since the TPLF/OLF created the current ethnic federalism system in 1993, they have brainwashed many Ethiopians to see everything through narrow tribal lense. Therefore, many innocent oromos have become zombies to any tribal propaganda shoved at their throats. Otherwise, the monument has no historical base to support a single brick of its existence!
Why is Anole monument a historical fallacy?
There are three main issues with the monument:
FIRST issue involves the makeup of Menelik’s Shoan army which the OLF/OPDO want us to think are mostly Amharas. But this is completely false. All historical accounts show us that Shoa was a multiethnic region with a significant Oromo population. Even when menelik was imprisoned by the Gojjams, he was helped by the Shoa Oromo to be free and even his wife was mixed Oromo herself. Menelik’s top Minister of Defense was the Oromo/Gurage Commander Habte Dinagde and all of Menelik’s battle with the south was 100% coordinated by Oromo
hero Ras Gobena Dacche. So OPDO/OLF/TPLF propaganda poison against Amara has no historical base.
SECOND issue is the custom of cutting hands or mutilation which is not practiced by the Orthodox majority in Shoa. There is no historical evidence that shows such practice in Shoa. The truth is such custom is widespread only in rural corners of our country, especially among the Somali and Afar. Even today the Somali/Afar pastoralists cut off penis of enemy to prove manhood. This is banned custom in shoa. There were some Wollo Oromos influenced by Afar/somali culture. In fact, after the Wollo Oromo calvary killed many Italians in the Battle of Adwa, they mutilated many Italian war captives. There were no rules regulating POW treatment. But the past is past; we should think forward instead of criminalizing every incident in history. Most of all, the claim that widespread mutilation was done by the Shoans against Arsi is exaggerated and false.
The THIRD issue involves the details of the battle in Arsi where atrocities were allegedly committed. For instance, all historical accounts show that Menelik’s 1880s multiethnic military lost many battles to the Arsi military. He was defeated several times before his final victory. Meaning, similar atrocities were committed by the Arsi Oromo military who killed the Shoans and mutilated their war captives. This was afterall over 120 years ago when human rights laws did not dictate any conflict in the world. So should we remind ourselves how the Arsi Oromo killed and mutilated the Shoans? Should we build a statue or monument for the Shoans killed by the Arsi Oromo before another batch of Shoans avenged by killing the Arsi? Well, this would be ridiculous and childish! We will run out of stones to build monuments and Ethiopia will be filled with monuments in every corner of the country!
We can’t build millions of monuments for every event in history. Otherwise, why don’t we build monument to remember victims of the 1500s Somali Imam Gragn Mohammed who massacred tens of thousands of innocent Orthodox Amaras?
Why don’t we build monuments everywhere in Shoa and Wollo to remember the thousands of Amaras massacred during the 1500s/1600s Oromo expansion? These Oromos surely did not feed their amara subjects milk and honey when they subjucated them. Why don’t we build monuments to the many Wollo people killed by Emperor Yohannes’s crusades? Why don’t we build monument for the Gondar and Gojjam people massacred by the mid 1700s Oromo rulers in Gonder? Why don’t we build monuments to the thousands of Amharas in the south killed by OLF/OPDO oromos during the 1990s transition period?
Actually, murder and massacre of Amaras in this day and age of high global human rights standards is more criminal than massacre of Oromos centuries ago when such standards were nonexistent worldwide. Recent attrocities have more weight than atrocities over 100 years ago because the world has high standards and values today.
So indeed Amara people have the moral high ground in Ethiopia as they are the most victimized people throughout recent and past history. But for the sake of peace and reconcilation, amaras are not revenge minded.
But the OPDO/OLF continue to spread hatred between amaras and our oromo brothers and sisters. Today out of the over 2 million population in Arsi zone, over 300,000 are Amharas. So why create hatred against this significant Amaras living in Arsi? Why create bitterness? Certainly, there are tens of thousands of mixed Ethiopians living in Arsi as well but the TPLF regime has outlawed mixed identity. So both amaras and mixed people in Arsi today are living in state of terror because of this OPDO/OLF fake monument of hate. It is our duty to inform our Oromo brothers and sisters not to fall to the traps being set by the OPDO/OLF/TPLF. This pornographic statue or monument of breast is an insult to the intelligence of our oromo people in Arsi.

But If they like their statue, well, let them keep it. If some arsi oromos feel satisfied with such hateful statue, we say, go ahead and enjoy. But we must ask our oromo brothers and sisters to watchout for the OPDO/TPLF tactic of divide and rule! We must tell every oromo we see that history does not support such statue. Amaras have and continue to suffer in Ethiopian history but we ask our Oromo brothers to first and foremost dedicate our time to remove the TPLF dictatorship and fight for democracy together as one people. Politicizing history, creating bitterness, revenge and hate are not the cornerstones of peaceful co-existence in Ethiopia.
   Source: Ethiomedia

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